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in praise of cities in order to show twelfth-century London in a similar light. He was also able, by underlining the piety of its citizens and its association with Constantine, the first Christian emperor, to imply that its Christian identity made London superior to its classical predecessors. At the same time, the circumstantial detail of particular passages is evidently based on direct experience. In flowery language

in Towns in medieval England

identity and, on the other, of civic duty and decorum [ 67 ]. The street was contested territory [ 71 ], [ 72 ], [ 73 ], [ 74 ], although by the end of the period a number of towns had recently sought and obtained parliamentary permission to impose upon individual residents to pay for the paving of the principal thoroughfares, if not yet (or for centuries to come) the side-streets [ 78 ]. The provision

in Towns in medieval England
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was, somewhat portentously, christened the ‘Domesday’ of the town, and of the splendid new seal of the community. As towns in this period became more bureaucratised in their government, they expressed their new-found identities in the very form of their official records. 4 The documents which follow exemplify the variety of ‘new town’ developments which characterised the

in Towns in medieval England

already beginning to show signs of restlessness under the patriarchal aegis of the abbot, who reprimanded their disobedience as though they were unruly children [ 79 ]. At its end, the townsmen had organised themselves into a guild through which to orchestrate their commercial interests and political identity [ 82 ]. 1 Monastic towns in general faced similar and usually immoveable ecclesiastical authority: only the royal

in Towns in medieval England
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complete necrology and since charters from the abbey survive only in small numbers, the names of very few eleventh-century monks of Hersfeld are known. How reliable, therefore, was the Erfurt tradition that ascribed the Annals to Lampert? In fact the author of the Annals himself left a clue to his identity in the autobiographical passages in the annals for 1058 and 1059

in The Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld
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Rheims, though the precise extent of Hincmar’s power over them was uncertain and frequently contested. 67 Hincmar’s province included many of the most influential and famous of Carolingian monasteries, in particular Corbie, linked to the production of the Pseudo-Isidore forgeries. 68 It was also the location for many royal palaces, where King Charles, and Hincmar with

in The divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga

Lotharingians, 190 at the instigation of a demon, took the monastic vows in Gorze. After a few days, however, when the demon that had deluded him had made its identity known, he abandoned the habit of the religious life, in which the angel of Satan had transformed himself into an angel of light , 191 and, like a deserter of God and a renegade, took back his wife 192 and his possessions

in The Annals of Lampert of Hersfeld
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Henry IV (1056–1106) and which continued into the reign of his son Henry V (1106–25). Historians frequently call this conflict of empire and papacy the ‘Investiture Contest’, a label that refers to the disputed practice of lay investiture, whereby the king appointed the bishops and the abbots of royal monasteries in his realm. At the heart of that practice was the ceremony of investiture itself, during

in Chronicles of the Investiture Contest

Sydney so admired. Walter Bower’s account of his countrymen’s overall activities in 1388 is balanced, sober and detailed, and he was not ashamed to admit ignorance, for example, of the identity of Douglas’s killer. Bower, Scotichronicon , 7.412–18. In 1388 Robert, earl of Fife, along with Lord Archibald Douglas, 81 father of Sir William, gathered a

in The reign of Richard II
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whom were really derived from the Lombards of late Antiquity, since the latter, like the other ‘barbarian’ invaders of the Roman Empire were only a relatively small élite (and themselves an amalgam of different peoples) – had developed a strong sense of their own identity, sustained by the traditional law codes of the early medieval Lombard kings, but separate from the lombardi or inhabitants of

in Roger II and the creation of the Kingdom of Sicily