autonomy of others, or subordinating their identity to one's own. The absence of empirical universals does not block the making of ethical judgments – it makes them possible. Interests and identity It may be that the politics of the twenty-first century will increasingly become a series of contests, often bitter and violent, over natural resources: water, oil, minerals, and land capable of producing food. In a world approaching or entering a time of limited resources and continued population growth, the contests for food, water, and fuel could become a dominant element
, the majority of Australian prime ministers have articulated
an image of Australia amongst the Anglosphere in view of its historical links
and continuing political and military cooperation with Great Britain.
However, not all Australian prime ministers have conceived of Australian
identity in this way. Under the premiership of Labor Prime Minister Paul
Keating (1991–96) traditional notions of Australian subjectivity – of what it
meant to be Australian – became fiercely contested. In a concerted departure
from previous constructions of the nation, Keating’s national
Caste-based discrimination and the mobilisation of Dalit sameness
the one hand, the contingent and evolving nature of
Dalit identity and, on the other hand, the manifold attempts at appropriation that exist at any given point in time. Set within wider considerations of
identity formation and reification, the analysis thereby validates the notion
that both of these processes are reflective of and actuated by an intrinsic
impossibility of saturation and completion. In addition, it substantiates the
insistence that identity is always elusive and, in itself, an estrangement. The
latter e ffectively
Labour’s return to opposition, 2010 to the present
rhetoric with the
greatest nostalgic resonance, could flourish. As this book has shown,
within the wider party, Labour remained characterised by its nostalgiaimbued identity. In the 2015 Labour leadership contest, a new electoral
system that delivered more power to a nostalgic rank-and-file delivered
a decisive victory for Corbyn on the first round of voting.
Jeremy Corbyn as leader
During the relatively short period in which Jeremy Corbyn has been
Labour Leader, very few concrete policy proposals have originated from
the party.115 This limits any assessment of the
The search for a place vision after the ‘troubles’
William J. V. Neill and Geraint Ellis
British domination of Ireland. Indeed, from a nationalist perspective, the Northern Ireland state has traditionally been characterised
as being embedded in, and a symptom of, social relations of subordination.2 The understanding of spatial governance and planning amid such
contestation thus cannot be divorced from a deeper appreciation of two
cultural identities in conflict where the meaning of place is constitutive
of identity itself. This remains the case in a ‘post-troubles’ environment.
The symbolic language of territory and identity
The meanings that people attach
seriously threatened between the wars, Labour’s significant advances in
Birmingham’s industrial heartlands caused deep concern during the early
1920s. A sub-committee of the Birmingham Conservative Association
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The multiple identities of anti-socialism 163
noted that thirteen wards had contested in the city at both the 1920 and
1921 elections. Whereas the Conservative poll in these wards had risen
by 3 per cent between the contests, the Labour poll increased by 72 per
cent. These troubling results led to the
In the last generation, Northern Ireland has undergone a tortuous yet remarkable process of social and political change. This book explores what Northern Ireland was like during violent conflict, and whether the situation is any different 'after the troubles'. It examines the political developments and divisions essential to a critical understanding of the nature of Northern Irish society. The book focuses a number of elements of popular cultural practice that are often overlooked when social scientists address Northern Ireland. Sport plays an important though often dispiriting role that in Northern Irish society. It looks at some of the problems and ways forward for transitional justice and memory work in Northern Ireland. The book reviews the history of strategic spatial policy in post-partition Northern Ireland. It draws on feminist scholarship to expose how explanations of the ethnic conflict that ignore gender are always partial. The book illustrates how feminist and gender politics are part of the political culture of Northern Ireland and offers conceptual resources to academics engaged in investigating the conflict. It further provides a brief outline of critical race theory (CRT) and the critique of whiteness therein before using it as a basis from which to examine the research literature on racism in Northern Ireland. The course that popular music has taken in Northern Ireland during 1990s of the peace process, is also considered and the most crucial issues of the peace process, police reform, are examined.
Recent years have witnessed a revived interest in civic republicanism in Ireland, in tandem with a growing consciousness of republican ideas across the English-speaking world. Yet while republicanism is posited as a catch-all public philosophy and as a framework for political reform in Ireland and elsewhere, its content remains highly ambiguous and contested. Its implications for constitutional structure and constitutional theory are the subject of wide debate in both legal and political thought. In this book, Eoin Daly and Tom Hickey consider republican themes in the Irish constitutional tradition. While the Irish Constitution has been understood as oscillating between a liberal concern for individual freedoms against the state and a communitarian concern for promoting a shared identity, the authors argue that many of its central features and devices can be interpreted in a distinctively republican light – and specifically, as providing a framework for participation in self-government. They consider how institutions and concepts such as popular sovereignty, constitutional rights, parliamentary government and judicial review might be re-interpreted in light of the republican themes of civic virtue and freedom as non-domination.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.