diversity of personal meaning. Just as the pastoral
cartographies created by settler capitalism offered opportunities to
memorialise the settlers’ diasporic past through place naming ( chapter 6 ), so too, towns offered the possibility
of complex and contested semiotics of place. Naming settler towns and
villages was as important in shaping meaning and building identity as
bounding and naming the colonists’ pastoral properties. In
New Zealand’s British Empire and Commonwealth Games, 1950–90
elements highlighted the
awkward and contested nature of the manner in which imperial identity
was being refashioned. In particular, they revealed a persistent
concern that racial animosity had not been eliminated from the
competition – or the Commonwealth – and highlighted
intergenerational tensions that threatened to lay bare competing
ideals of Commonwealth identity
state. The ‘home and the world split’ which has been
identified as the base of the national(ist) identity 14 was
certainly severely challenged by such a reform proposal,
precipitating moral contestation and political turmoil. Interpreted
as a virtual assault on indigenous rights to self-definition,
objections came not only from shastric 15 individuals but also from
Thomas Nast and the colonisation of the American West
Reconstruction – and linked racial categories in ways his readers may not have been prepared to accept. In the indigenous/exogenous dichotomy so central to colonialism and settler societies, Nast attempted not only to erase some distinctions but also to suggest commonalities reflecting the ‘protracted contestation’ of identity in settler societies.
Probably Nast's most famous image related to Native Americans appeared in 1879.
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the
the Egyptians and their character . The character is therefore best seen as a far more complex one than commonly believed, as both a critique of internal Egyptian politics and society (with inflections dependent on understandings of class and gender), and an affectionate (but contested) embodiment of the nation. In what follows, I chart the origins of the character in its home context of the satirical review Ruz al-Yusuf ; explore the broader cultural context from which al-Masri Effendi emerged and drew his relevance; and examine his contested status as either
The importance of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art in imperial
Richard Scully and Andrekos Varnava
Africa, the health or otherwise of democratic regimes can (in part) be measured by the cultures of political satire they sustain.
In states where liberal democracy has been a fundamental aspect of developing national identity and national life – for instance in the United States – the connection between cartoons, comics, and liberty has seemed straightforward.
Yet at the same time as he himself was exploring such connections
precipitated a one-sided war that ended with Spain surrendering its last overseas possessions to the United States, Cuba was a site of contest among three colonial powers.
Spain sought to hold onto its oldest, richest, and increasingly imperiled New World colony, whose wealth it relied on for collateral whenever national insolvency loomed.
The United States, motivated by the complex narratives of ‘Manifest Destiny’ as well as a politically ascendant, pro-slavery, Southern
contention a territorial personification. In graphic terms, the contest between the two European powers is an unequal one, since Rhodes, realistically depicted, heroically (indeed histrionically) posed and occupying the moral foreground, can only appear superior to the squat, ungainly caricature who tries maladroitly to oppose him. But the figure of Mashonaland complicates any simple triumphalist reading. She stares apprehensively towards Rhodes, her fists clenched to her mouth in a stereotypical gesture of anxious female defencelessness which seems to deprecate Rhodes
Missions, the colonial state and constructing a health system in colonial Tanganyika
of Christianity, commerce and civilisation that the
Livingstonean and Victorian imaginations of missionary enterprise had
envisaged. But if by the 1910s and 1920s they had become, in effect,
part of the mix of service providers, they could not be said to
constitute a ‘sector’ in the sense of a collective
identity, shared values and objectives and common interests. Reflecting
the history of the
has argued that this contestation over the same people, goods and natural resources, or ‘jurisdictional jockeying’ and ‘jurisdictional politics’, was commonplace. 18 Colonial governments also often delegated authority to different imperial agents. 19 This sometimes included incorporating indigenous elites into imperial administration or allowing them to govern their localities with minimal imperial oversight. 20 Likewise, when the British obtained extraterritorial privileges in China, the China they set foot in was a vast multi-ethnic empire with a plural legal