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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

direct action, which reached its peak in the late 1980s, humanitarian innovation sits comfortably with private partners and corporate sponsorship ( Zyck and Kent, 2014 ), a necessary recalibration given its dependence upon what can be called the computational turn – that is, since the 1990s, the seamless penetration of commercial information and communication technologies, software platforms, automating apps and screen interfaces into all aspects of personal, social, national and international life tout court . Humanitarian innovation is politically

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

From starving children to satirical saviours

questions to the social networking site Facebook as the starting point of this chapter. Facebook was founded in the United States in 2004 as a network for Harvard University students to share ‘social’ information. In 2005, the network was open to other US educational institutions, corporate professionals and in the following year was made public. 12 Checking social networking sites has now become part of

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Offline and online games, branding and humanitarianism at the Roskilde Festival

causes and commercial interests, e.g. via corporate social responsibility (CSR), cause-branded products or philanthropy. 2 Critiques of the popular characteristically draw on various theoretical and analytical approaches, such as critical discourse analysis, Žižekian ideological critique and/or grounded critical analytics. 3 These analyses often echo critical approaches to popular culture in media

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Open Access (free)

Cold War) questioned its ambitions, purposes and principles, while also debating its relationship to politics and ethics. 10 Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss suggest this period is marked by the ‘struggle to (re)define the humanitarian identity’, specifically in relation to ‘the boundaries, unity, and purity of humanitarianism’. 11 The role played by the media in humanitarian endeavours is arguably central to such

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

reports. In Common Cause , Crompton ( 2010 ) argued that campaigns needed to develop deeper and less goal-oriented activities dedicated to the nurturing of pro-development emotions and values. This refocusing was articulated and developed in a very influential report, Finding Frames , which took Crompton’s ‘deep frames’ and presented a more specific model in which emotions, identity and values were categorised into transformative, ‘bigger than self’, deliberative and justice-oriented ways of thinking and acting (Darnton and Kirk, 2011 ; Kirk, 2012

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Abstract only

for radically dissimilar regions. Indeed, as shown earlier, Edward Said set off a powerful line of critique against such enterprises by pointing to the self-justifying identity politics embedded in European accounts of the ‘Orient’, which took root in consonance with the colonial subjugation of the region. The point here is to recognise that the ‘Orient’ did not exist as a pre

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy
The Trade Justice Movement

purest form and the kind of emergence of the Fairtrade Mark and movement at the same point in time and the dynamics within that, which I think were never properly understood or resolved’. 8 Another observed that in recent years the Fair Trade movement in the UK has negotiated relationships with a wide range of corporate suppliers, whereas TJM has campaigned against proposed trade deals, like the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) because there is a concern about an advancement of corporate interests over the rights of citizens. 9

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century

areas for the pursuit of mutual gain, while “cooperative security” attempts to broaden security beyond traditional military concerns to change state behavior from one of competition to cooperation with other states. Not surprisingly, this mix of regionalism and cooperative security has produced some of the “most effective regional security structures in the post-Cold War era.”3 The adoption of this strategy was spurred by a growing sense of regional awareness and collective identity to the extent that Africa became what Emanuel Adler calls a “cognitive region.”4 That

in African security in the twenty-first century

14 March 2012). US narratives of PMSCs in Iraq 173 228 Triple Canopy, www.triplecanopy.com/philosophy/corporate-social-responsibility/ (accessed 15 April 2012). 229 Saladin Security Ltd, www.saladin-security.com/corporate-social-responsibility.php (accessed 14 March 2012). 230 Interestingly, the main trade association of PMSCs is called the International Stability Operations Association (ISOA). As Østensen points out: ‘These labels are clearly not fully illustrative; rather, they seem part of an effort to create a morally sound identity and a moral

in Romantic narratives in international politics