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Politeness, sociability and the culture of medico-gentility

eighteenth century as men such as Samuel Tuke, inspired by the public zeal of evangelical Christianity, began to involve themselves with philanthropic and socially reforming causes.32 York and the cultural politics of eighteenth-century medicine Medical culture and identity in late eighteenth-century York therefore took shape within a social landscape shaped by the values of gentility, polite sociability and civic belonging. It was also one in which interpersonal relationships were key. The medical ‘faculty’, as it was collectively known, was relatively small. At any one

in Performing medicine
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have certainly transformed lives, particularly those who have experienced impairment resulting from accidents, illness, trauma or war.1 Other prostheses users, however, remain increasingly frustrated over the affordability, the functionality and general restrictions to innovation as a result of growing corporate monopolies and call for more effective, cheaper and more easily available products enabled by greater state sponsorship, the greater separation of design from manufacturing and, perhaps most crucially of all, user-​generated platforms for open-​source designs

in Rethinking modern prostheses in Anglo-American commodity cultures, 1820–1939
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Cholera, collectivity and the care of the social body

by which the medical was constructed as a distinct sphere of socio-political activity. This chapter does not attempt to provide an exhaustive history of the 1832 152 Performing medicine epidemic, either locally or nationally. Such accounts have already been written.6 Neither does it attempt to show how medical understandings of cholera came to dominate or displace alternative discourses. Rather, it demonstrates how in York, as in other parts of the country, the cholera epidemic provided a focus around which new forms of medical identity and activity coalesced

in Performing medicine
Medicine and the world of letters

genteel carriage’, to the importance of mixed gender association and the potential pitfalls of ‘gaming’, one of the ‘most fashionable vices of the age’.4 However, it was knowledge which was, for Withers, the most important aspect of the physician’s identity and he dedicated the first chapter of his book to the subject of ‘preliminary and ornamental learning’. Withers regarded such knowledge as ‘ornamental’ because it was not explicitly connected with Polite and ornamental knowledge 49 medicine. Nevertheless, it was essential if a physician was to partake in polite

in Performing medicine
Expertise, authority and the making of medical dominion

the professional desire for organisation and legislation; so long as the impelling motives are nothing more dignified than sectional interests, grade prejudices, or interested clamours in a pecuniary sense’.8 What was needed was unity: of purpose, practice, knowledge and identity. Medical practitioners needed to abandon their concern with customary forms of social ‘respectability’ (‘a phrase of bilious mediocrity . . . a mere pandering to dullness’) and embrace their higher calling.9 They needed to abolish the distinctions of rank and practice which divided them

in Performing medicine
Social progressivism and the transformation of provincial medicine

of medical practice, especially among 116 Performing medicine general practitioners. But its significance went far beyond this. With the fracturing of polite society, medical practitioners began to invest in more collectivist forms of association and identity. Although they continued to function as independent citizens, as members of a civic polity, the culture of the Doctors Club which had embedded practitioners in a wider social and cultural milieu was now giving way to more vocationally specific configurations. Central to this process was the practice of

in Performing medicine
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Writing the history of the ‘International’ Health Service

‘elite oral history’, which he describes as being viewed with ‘deep suspicion’.81 According to Perks, the political origins of British oral history as a radical alternative to histories of male elites make historians ideologically averse to engaging with those who cannot be described as ‘voiceless’.82 He argues that this helps to explain the lack of attention that British oral historians devote to business and corporate culture.83 Sjoerd Keulen and Ronald Kroeze have built on Perks’s argument to make the case for the relevance of oral history to leadership and

in Migrant architects of the NHS

the Ghent society to organize a prize competition every five years on ‘a matter of medical practice,’ for which the winner would receive 500 Fr.114 Yet the fact that the society did not possess a legal corporate identity and could thus not accept the donation caused severe problems. While initially an agreement was signed between the society and Guislain’s heirs, which stipulated that the prize money would be allocated through the intermediary of the Commission of Hospitals, this agreement was never ratified by the government, which allowed the heirs to later

in Medical societies and scientific culture in nineteenth-century Belgium

one’s identity (that is, one’s ‘sense of self’). Healthy subjects are able to demonstrate the agency, care, discipline and responsibility needed to look after their own health, and also have the capacity to govern other individuals in line with governmental expectations or rationalities. And, in the contemporary world, a perpetual focus on the care of the body, of mind and above all of ‘self’, have become de rigueur with ideas of personal identity and health dominating over notions of social welfare (HM Government, 2010; Michailakis and Schirmer, 2010; Wilson, 2014

in Reframing health and health policy in Ireland
Artificial limb patents, medical professionalism and the moral economy in ante

:  Electrical Technologies and Inventor Identities on Trial in Britain (­Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2013); B. Charnley, ‘Seeds without patents: science and morality in British plant breeding in the long nineteenth-​century’, Revue économique, 64:1 (2013), 69–​87; and C. L. Fisk, ‘Working knowledge:  trade secrets, restrictive covenants in employment, and the rise of corporate intellectual property, 1800–​1920’, Hastings Law Journal, 52 (2001), 441–​535. 15 ‘B. Frank Palmer’s portrait’, Scalpel, 6:3 (1854), 448–​9, at 448. 16 ‘Palmer & Co’.s artificial leg, Springfield

in Rethinking modern prostheses in Anglo-American commodity cultures, 1820–1939