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David Rieff

more importantly the disorientation, one encounters these days in the publications of groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International is an emblem of this. 4 This does not mean that coping with these changes will be easy or morally clear-cut for humanitarians. It is hardly surprising that when its medical facilities and hospitals in Syria were targeted and in many cases destroyed by Russian and Syrian government bombardment, MSF was at a loss as to how to respond, despite its brilliance in publicity. 5 An exception to this general

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Tom Gallagher

the EU, the PDSR showed the same traits of improvisation and adaptation it had displayed when it had grabbed hold of the reins of power in 1990. It was like a matador who used his skills in the bullring first to tire out and then subdue his opponent, who in this case were millions of pro-Western Romanians impatient for change. The EU was a hugely important external power with temporary sovereignty over the development of Romanian policy in major respects, but the PDSR hoped that adept footwork in the bullring of EU negotiations would similarly disorientate a

in Romania and the European Union
Tom Gallagher

chapters were flexible targets and it was the core member states which decided whether they had been met or not. The EU Commission itself appeared disorientated about how to interpret its competition rules, especially when it was core states, and not mere candidates, which appeared to be trashing them. Further discomfiture was provided when the Romanian state awarded another lucrative contract, this time to Vinci constructions, without a tender process. It was to build a sector of a new highway between Bucharest and Braşov.35 Even before the contract was signed, the

in Romania and the European Union
Author: Meir Hatina

Arab liberal thought in the modern age provides in-depth analysis of Arab liberalism, which, although lacking public appeal and a compelling political underpinning, sustained viability over time and remains a constant part of the Arab landscape. The study focuses on the second half of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century, a period that witnessed continuity as well as change in liberal thinking. Post-1967 liberals, like their predecessors, confronted old dilemmas, socioeconomic upheavals, political instability, and cultural disorientation, but also demonstrated ideological rejuvenation and provided liberal thought with new emphases and visions. Arab liberals contributed to public debate on cultural, social, and political issues, and triggered debates against their adversaries. Displaying such attributes as skepticism, ecumenism, and confidence in Arab advancement, they burst onto the public scene in questioning the Arab status quo and advocating alternative visions for their countries. Their struggle for freedom of religion, secularism, individualism, democracy, and human rights meant more than a rethinking of Islamic tradition and Arab political culture. It aimed rather at formulating a full-fledged liberal project to seek an Arab Enlightenment. This book fills a major gap in the research literature, which has tended to overlook Middle Eastern liberalism in favor of more powerful and assertive forces embodied by authoritarian regimes and Islamic movements. The book is essential reading for scholars and students in the fields of Islamic and Middle Eastern studies, intellectual history, political ideologies, comparative religion, and cultural studies.

Abstract only
Neal Curtis

the attack precipitated an auto-immune response from the United States as it rolled back constitutional rights as a means of ‘protecting’ its freedom. It is also evident in the way Al’Queda used the global media – the primary means of US soft power  – to project and make known (Derrida, 2009: 37) its power.7 In this knot of animosity and amicability it is impossible to maintain the distinction. The result is what Derrida calls the ‘disorientation of the political field’ (1997: 84). For Derrida, of course, such disorientation is not a problem. It is rather the

in Sovereignty and superheroes
A tale of two traumas
Brendan Geary

point. He suggests that the transition is frightening and disorienting, and brings ‘loss, dislocation, grief and even guilt’ (Fowler 1981, p. 180). This is similar to the language used to describe the experience of trauma. One of the most famous lines uttered in the crisis was when Brian Lenihan said, ‘We all partied’. In this simple line we can hear a sense of the loss of the good times, a feeling of guilty collusion in what went on, and the disorientation that came afterwards, like a hangover, when the party came to an end. Some commentators have also noted that

in From prosperity to austerity
Photography and the post­Celtic Tiger landscape
Justin Carville

exhibition, ruptures this unitary geographical representation by confronting the viewer with a temporal precipice. The Ireland they visualize is unbounded in its complex networks of geography and place, but it is the disorientating temporality of the photograph which holds the viewer in front of a past that was a projected future which initiates the 116 Justin Carville topographies of terror of the post-­Celtic Tiger period. In the representation of the half-­built houses bathed in the ambient light of deserted housing estates and the fragmentary forms of the remnants

in From prosperity to austerity
Open Access (free)
Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch

balance. But there was always a suspicion that the trend would tail off as soon as the party left office. It can be argued, though, that since their landslide defeat in the May 1997 general election, the Conservatives have been more interesting even than they were in the late 1980s, when it seemed that their hold on power was unshakeable. Suddenly that ruthless, relentless election-winning machine looked terribly vulnerable, and an organisation that thrives on the exercise of power seemed disorientated. The 1997 election produced the Conservatives’ heaviest defeat of

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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Reflections on the work of Norman Geras
Terry Glavin

I cannot place exactly when it was that I first encountered the work of Norm Geras, except that it was early in the first decade of the twenty-first century, at the height of the disorientation and mass lunacy brought about by the events of 11 September 2001. I was living on a small island off Canada’s west coast, where I’d retreated from the daily newspaper racket to write books and raise my kids, and it was as though the entire Anglosphere was undergoing a kind of collective psychotic episode. There were times when I was reminded of old stories from the

in The Norman Geras Reader
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Trying but failing to renew social democracy
Eunice Goes

Thatcher argued, the ‘dominance of neoliberalism has ensured that it has come to define the terms of discussion and contestation’.14 This latter factor is particularly apt to explain the absence of a social democratic response to the global financial crisis in Europe. As Chapter  1 showed, the social democratic left was disorientated and had no coherent or cohesive response to the crisis. Social democratic parties failed to contest the false idea that the global financial crisis and the European debt crisis were caused by State profligacy, and as a result were forced to

in The Labour Party under Ed Miliband