Search results

’s perception of security reflected the views of whoever was head of mission at the time. The heads of mission in Yemen and Pakistan were very experienced but had different backgrounds and views. For the teams in Afghanistan – specialists in risk reduction for drug users, with no experience in a war context – the context was so complex that luck was the only thing that mattered when it came to security management. The MdM logo was the only reminder that the teams in the three missions worked for the same organisation. My first task in standardising practices and strengthening

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Learning from the case of Kosovo

violence between its two main ethnic groups or the ethics and legality of the NATO intervention there in 1999. Unlike other civil wars, the economic dynamics of this conflict have received much less attention in terms of academic investigations into the political-economy of conflict. However, the same economic processes and relationships which in both academic and policy circles are cited as impacting more ‘infamous’ war economies, such as those in Sierra Leone and Afghanistan, have been well documented by aid practitioners and policy makers as having impacted upon the

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

process and refused to grant KTA staff immunity (Knoll, 2005; Zaum, 2006). In addition, the concern was once again raised that privatisation did not fall within the parameters of Regulation 1244 and that the KTA was therefore engaging in illegal privatisation. Some enterprises had been transformed between 1989 and 1999 and it was not clear that all transformations between 1989 and 1999 were in fact illegal. There was also concern by members of the KTA regarding the integrity of the process and the background of some of the bidders, with concerns that enterprises were

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry

itself in several ways within the arena of security and development programming (Jaeger, 2007). For example, depoliticisation occurs when political causes and consequences of insecurity and conflict are pushed to the background, with economic and developmental issues becoming central both to the explanation of insecurity and thus to the solutions. Poverty in and of itself is treated as a cause of conflict, as opposed to more politically contentious issues of distribution of wealth, inequality and 46 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 47

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

political-economic goals. Creating or sustaining physical stability remains the primary aim of the DSI, with local conflict resolution or socio-economic justice pushed to the background. Evidence of this effect of liberal peacebuilding is mixed. At a broad level, such a critique is justified if one considers the DSI’s propensity for engaging in the shielding of some actors for the sake of stability and as such legitimising former war entrepreneurs. At the same time, the DSI has proved that it will go to great lengths to install some neo-liberal reforms such as

in Building a peace economy?
Current policy options and issues

favour international actors (primarily MNCs). Little effort has been made in terms of attempting to privatise to domestic actors (Kuditshini, 2008). As international actors have greater ability and capacity to make successful bids and are (rightly or wrongly) believed to act more ethically, much of the resource wealth and profits leave the host country. Also, with externally led privatisation, anticorruption and resource governance schemes, the role of the state is diminished and the state–citizen relationship is pushed to the background as forging and maintaining

in Building a peace economy?
Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

therefore cannot accurately know how Rwanda changed over the one hundred years from first contact with the West to 1994 when genocide tore the country apart. By 1894, as in 1994, Rwanda certainly had three separate groupings, though whether these should be described as racial, ethnic, tribal or social remains a matter of debate. As Richard Dowden explains, ‘the relationship between Hutus and Tutsis is unique, complex and very difficult for outsiders to comprehend. There are no words in English to describe it. Caste, class, race or tribe do not match the reality.’1 The

in The ignorant bystander?
Community engagement and lifelong learning

In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.

Prisoners of the past

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.