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Catholic women religious in nineteenth-century England and Wales

Roman Catholic women's congregations are an enigma of nineteenth century social history. Over 10,000 women, establishing and managing significant Catholic educational, health care and social welfare institutions in England and Wales, have virtually disappeared from history. In nineteenth-century England, representations of women religious were ambiguous and contested from both within and without the convent. This book places women religious in the centre of nineteenth-century social history and reveals how religious activism shaped the identity of Catholic women religious. It is devoted to evolution of religious life and the early monastic life of the women. Catholic women were not pushed into becoming women religious. On the basis of their available options, they chose a path that best suited their personal, spiritual, economic and vocational needs. The postulancy and novitiate period formed a rite of passage that tested the vocation of each aspirant. The book explores the religious activism of women religious through their missionary identity and professional identity. The labour of these women was linked to their role as evangelisers. The book deals with the development of a congregation's corporate identity which brought together a disparate group of women under the banner of religious life. It looks specifically at class and ethnicity and the women who entered religious life, and identifies the source of authority for the congregation and the individual sister.

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‘hardworking families’ against people struggling to survive on benefits. Political and business leaders are adept at playing one group off against another and keeping both in ‘their place’: skilled against unskilled, men against women and, of course, people from one ethnic background against another. When racialisation is used to justify a group of people getting lower wages or worse housing, the majority white working class do not benefit – but they are fed racist myths to win their support for a system that exploits them too, just not as much. In a competitive labour

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End

Party side, they thought, ‘This is the time we can utilise them.’ They came and said, ‘Why don’t you become a member we’ll help you?’19 The inclusion of people from all ethnic backgrounds can also be seen as flowing directly from leftist ideology – both from socialist universalism and from the developing support for identity politics – and the view of these events from the left is a little different from many Bengali perceptions. At that time, Labour ruled over Tower Hamlets almost unopposed and its entrenched, relatively rightwing leadership clung fiercely to power

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
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more fully.37 Kautsky was consistently supportive of Jewish socialist movements, such as the General Union of Jewish Workers in Lithuania, Poland and Russia, or Bund, but he also insisted on the importance of avoiding isolation, and saw the Jewish movements as a transitional step towards a time when separate Jewish socialist institutions would be redundant. During the last century, similar arguments were taken up by Marxists of all ethnic backgrounds and especially those fighting colonial or racial oppression. However, as in the Bengali examples in this history, many

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End

.e. enrollment at age-specific appropriate levels of education between seventeen and thirty years of age), students from Bangladeshi backgrounds had the lowest participation rates among minority ethnic groups (35 per cent) in 2001/2. The latter is particularly important because black and ethnic minorities students have a higher level of initial participation (described in policy documents as the Higher Education Initial Participation Rate - HEIPR).52 Poverty is endemic among the Bangladeshis. This is partly due to their time of arrival: ‘The bulk of Bangladeshi immigration

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The backlash against multiculturalism

variety of backgrounds and faiths within their day-to-day education’ (Garner, 2009). 23 See www.youtube.com/watch?v=FVKssm5E2no. The backlash against multiculturalism143 References Asari, E.-M., Halikiopoulu D. and Mock, S. (2008). British national identity and the dilemmas of multiculturalism. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 14(1), 1–28. Balibar, E. (2004). We, the people of Europe? Reflections on transnational citizenship, trans. J. Swenson. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Barry, B. (2001). Culture and equality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University

in Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France
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backgrounds, 63 Sister M. Spinola entered with a dowry of £30; Sr M. Bernard did not contribute a dowry. 64 SMG: I/A3, letter dated 4 January 1898 from Frances Taylor to Mother Aloysius Austin (Margaret Busher). 65 These seventy-two women lived to an average age of sixty-four. 66 Marta Danylewycz, Taking the Veil: An Alternative to Marriage, Motherhood, and Spinsterhood in Quebec, 1840–1920 (Toronto, Canada: McClelland and Stewart, 1987), p. 99. 203 Class and ethnicity Table 7.5 Occupational groupings and leadership of professed sisters in the Daughters of Charity of St

in Contested identities

immigrants still suffer disproportionately from social and economic inequality, and there is still a long way to go to achieve full and equal development of the potential of all citizens and equal respect as well as recognition for all groups, particularly those from racialised groups (Hyman et al. 2011). Religion and multiculturalism in Canada This examination of state multicultural policy and practice in Canada suggests that its emphasis on differing and diverse ethnic and national backgrounds has sidelined the significance of religion in perceptions of the overall

in Monarchy, religion and the state

: these are the enemies of the people and must be fought – if they are a Jew, black or white. And this helped to develop a much more broader understanding and [to unite] the struggle against Mosley and the fascists.95 The strength of the movement came from its ability to unite working-class people of different ethnic backgrounds, and the communists were always anxious to stress its inclusivity. Simon Blumenfeld’s rent-strike play, Enough of All This!, which was written and performed at the time, has the Jewish Secretary of the Stepney Tenants’ Defence League, Tubby

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
The internal factors

, Paul Boateng and Keith Vaz – from the Labour Party were elected in the 1987 elections. One of these new members Keith Vaz was the first South Asian in post-war Britain to win a seat in parliament.146 The number grew slightly in the election of 1992: altogether five members of non-white ethnic background were elected, of whom two were of South Asian background. These numbers, of course, did not reflect the share of South Asians and/or of the ethnic minorities in the British population. These communities remained marginalized in the political arena. In such

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis