Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 85 items for :

  • executive politics x
  • International Relations x
Clear All

, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser, 2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises. This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states, false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

: geographic distances as national or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries between those seeking to provide assistance (though not always succeeding) and others who require help due to a crisis, and the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only

families substantial economic benefits and offers them improved educational and employment opportunities (Jiryis, 1971:66–7; Kretzmer, 1987). Such laws were frequently passed to supplement the restrictions which had already been put in place by the Emergency Regulations. The Palestinians as a mosaic of insular minorities After the affirmation of the basic Jewish–Palestinian binary, the subdivision of the Palestinians ensued. Already in 1920, ‘the Intelligence Office’ of the Zionist Executive’s political department in Palestine laid down a plan to manipulate the

in Thorough surveillance
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Agreement and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, seemed to be faltering. The Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive had been suspended twice, the first time on 11 February 2001, and then again on 14 October 2002. There were two significant developments, however. On 26 September 2005, the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning confirmed that the IRA had put its armoury beyond use, the last of four acts of decommissioning which had begun in October 2001. In politics, a series of Assembly and Westminster elections saw power shift on the Unionist side

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century

that fulfilling France's duty in light of its history, values and rank would also promote France's status. This shift of strategy also allowed Chirac's various executives to address some of the criticisms made by public opinion. As Utley explains, during Mitterrand's presidency, “the national authorities were often perceived to be reacting to events, especially in the former Yugoslavia, doing too little too late, and acting as much from concern over domestic political calculations as from concerns to further the rule of international law” ( 2000

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
France and the emergence of the responsibility to protect (2000–2004)

did not want to support the rebels who attempted a coup , but also did not want to back “Laurent Gbagbo, because of his contentious ascension to power in 2000 amidst what he himself described as ‘calamitous conditions’, the exacerbation of his xenophobic politics of Ivoirité after the elections, and the violation of the human rights by his militia groups” ( 2009 , 8). The mission became more complex than the executive had originally hoped as both parties became wary of France's intentions. The rebels argued that France was biased towards the

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect
Abstract only

and as discussed in more depth in the section “Humanitarian intervention” below, the late 1980s and early 1990s correspond to when the UN Security Council began consistently authorising the use of force for humanitarian purposes by broadening what constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Rather than focusing on France in general, this book mainly concentrates on the various French executives – defined as the President at the time, his key advisors and his ministerial office-holders. This focus can be explained by the fact that

in France, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect

substance of the arguments made in each case, facilitating an evaluation of their relative merits; and it investigates the relationship between these arguments and the relevant audience on whose acquiescence a successful securitisation depends. Fourth, the strict criteria for defining a successful securitisation facilitate an assessment of the policy-making process which goes deeper than simply decision-making within the executive and brings in a wider political elite, elements of civil society, and even, at times, the ‘masses’. A securitisation requires that the

in Securitising Russia