, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being
held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser,
2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the
monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the
aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising
them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers
disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises.
This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death
consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states,
false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they
already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
: geographic distances as national
or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also
social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent
experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian
ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries between those seeking to
provide assistance (though not always succeeding) and others who require help
due to a crisis, and the
families substantial economic benefits and offers them improved educational
and employment opportunities (Jiryis, 1971:66–7; Kretzmer, 1987). Such laws
were frequently passed to supplement the restrictions which had already been
put in place by the Emergency Regulations.
The Palestinians as a mosaic of insular minorities
After the affirmation of the basic Jewish–Palestinian binary, the subdivision of
the Palestinians ensued. Already in 1920, ‘the Intelligence Office’ of the Zionist
Executive’spolitical department in Palestine laid down a plan to manipulate
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
Agreement and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, seemed to be
faltering. The Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive had been
suspended twice, the first time on 11 February 2001, and then again on
14 October 2002. There were two significant developments, however.
On 26 September 2005, the Independent International Commission on
Decommissioning confirmed that the IRA had put its armoury beyond
use, the last of four acts of decommissioning which had begun in October
2001. In politics, a series of Assembly and Westminster elections saw
power shift on the Unionist side
that fulfilling France's duty in light of its history, values and rank would also promote France's status.
This shift of strategy also allowed Chirac's various executives to address some of the criticisms made by public opinion. As Utley explains, during Mitterrand's presidency, “the national authorities were often perceived to be reacting to events, especially in the former Yugoslavia, doing too little too late, and acting as much from concern over domestic political calculations as from concerns to further the rule of international law” ( 2000
France and the emergence of the responsibility to protect (2000–2004)
did not want to support the rebels who attempted a coup , but also did not want to back “Laurent Gbagbo, because of his contentious ascension to power in 2000 amidst what he himself described as ‘calamitous conditions’, the exacerbation of his xenophobic politics of Ivoirité after the elections, and the violation of the human rights by his militia groups” ( 2009 , 8).
The mission became more complex than the executive had originally hoped as both parties became wary of France's intentions. The rebels argued that France was biased towards the
and as discussed in more depth in the section “Humanitarian intervention” below, the late 1980s and early 1990s correspond to when the UN Security Council began consistently authorising the use of force for humanitarian purposes by broadening what constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
Rather than focusing on France in general, this book mainly concentrates on the various French executives – defined as the President at the time, his key advisors and his ministerial office-holders. This focus can be explained by the fact that
substance of the arguments
made in each case, facilitating an evaluation of their relative merits; and
it investigates the relationship between these arguments and the relevant
audience on whose acquiescence a successful securitisation depends.
Fourth, the strict criteria for defining a successful securitisation facilitate an assessment of the policy-making process which goes deeper than
simply decision-making within the executive and brings in a wider
political elite, elements of civil society, and even, at times, the ‘masses’. A
securitisation requires that the