, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being
held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser,
2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the
monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the
aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising
them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers
disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises.
This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death
consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states,
false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they
already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
: geographic distances as national
or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also
social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent
experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian
ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries between those seeking to
provide assistance (though not always succeeding) and others who require help
due to a crisis, and the
system for the Irish Free State. Its members were ‘consciously critical of many
aspects of British political usage’; ‘they (and their political masters in the early
Irish cabinets) deplored the artificial character of parliamentary party conflicts,
[and they] sought to create a more direct and active role for the people in public
affairs and tried to erect some safeguards against executive dominance’.18
Each of these ‘safeguards’ was intended to lessen the possibility of a British
party-style political system being created in the Irish Free State. These devices
fundamental law of a State, to take cognisance of such considerations.
These are the concerns of politics not of Constitutions; and a Constitution should
be drafted on such broad lines as to permit the inclusion of many divergent policies
from time to time.7
He also noted that Kennedy originally criticised the proposals which subsequently
took shape in Executive B, with the remark that they would ‘lead to stagnation’.
Letter on Draft C
In O’Rahilly’s letter, he explained that, while he was unable to consult with his
colleague Professor Murnaghan, he felt it advisable to
small political parties. See Chapter 8.
Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution
required. Eventually, three separate executive schemes emerged. Figgis outlined
an alternative scheme in a memorandum called ‘Proposal for the Creation of an
Executive’. His scheme involved the idea of legislative control of the executive.
He felt the executive itself should comprise only five to ten members elected by
the Dáil by Proportional Representation. Once elected, the ministers would set up
councils representing their function. He proposed that ministers would sit in
disagreements in relation to the executive, it is likely that O’Rahilly’s Draft C would
See Dáil Debates, vol 2, cols 144ff, 1 March 1922, col 224ff, 2 March 1922.
See Chapter 4.
Irish Times, ‘Events during 1922’, 1 January 1923.
On the decision to submit the draft to the British authorities, see Chapter 3, 45.
have been the sole minority draft. Draft C appears dissimilar as it uses American
terminology for the legislative provisions, the structure is slightly different and
it contains some substantial differences in detail. Given that these
committee of the Dáil would ‘nominate each Minister
of the eight for a Ministry with special regard to his suitability for that particular
office’39 and later that ‘they will be judged by the Dáil only by the efficiency with
which their department is run, and the soundness or otherwise of the measures’.40
While the Assembly approved of the plan to eliminate what was referred to
as ‘British-style party politics’ and many deputies spoke out against the evils of
such a system, there seemed to be a lot of confusion surrounding the executive
scheme, with repeated questions on
the courts cannot overrule its legislation and no Parliament can pass laws that
future Parliaments cannot change.’2 In complete contrast to the British idea, the
Irish Constitution Committee decided on the idea of popular sovereignty for the
Irish Free State Constitution.3 Popular sovereignty is the idea that the people are
the source of all political authority within the state.4 It is the idea that the people
can create their own state, write their own laws, build their own institutions,
set down their own rules, elect their own representatives and have the
Themes and influences
No nation can pursue the path to self-government free from all external considerations and untrammelled by the intellectual influences descending from the past.1
In order to understand the thinking behind the 1922 Constitution, it is necessary
to consider the document in the light of its intellectual and political context. The
1920s were years of momentous significance for Ireland because, after centuries
of oppression and revolutionary struggle, the Irish people had finally gained
the freedom to construct a new State for