Search results

, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser, 2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising them and the intelligence services observing them. Keeping the public and aid workers

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises. This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states, false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

: geographic distances as national or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries between those seeking to provide assistance (though not always succeeding) and others who require help due to a crisis, and the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Abstract only

system for the Irish Free State. Its members were ‘consciously critical of many aspects of British political usage’; ‘they (and their political masters in the early Irish cabinets) deplored the artificial character of parliamentary party conflicts, [and they] sought to create a more direct and active role for the people in public affairs and tried to erect some safeguards against executive dominance’.18 Each of these ‘safeguards’ was intended to lessen the possibility of a British party-style political system being created in the Irish Free State. These devices

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

fundamental law of a State, to take cognisance of such considerations. These are the concerns of politics not of Constitutions; and a Constitution should be drafted on such broad lines as to permit the inclusion of many divergent policies from time to time.7 He also noted that Kennedy originally criticised the proposals which subsequently took shape in Executive B, with the remark that they would ‘lead to stagnation’. Letter on Draft C In O’Rahilly’s letter, he explained that, while he was unable to consult with his colleague Professor Murnaghan, he felt it advisable to

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

small political parties. See Chapter 8. 51 52 13 Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution required. Eventually, three separate executive schemes emerged. Figgis outlined an alternative scheme in a memorandum called ‘Proposal for the Creation of an Executive’. His scheme involved the idea of legislative control of the executive. He felt the executive itself should comprise only five to ten members elected by the Dáil by Proportional Representation. Once elected, the ministers would set up councils representing their function. He proposed that ministers would sit in

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution
Abstract only

disagreements in relation to the executive, it is likely that O’Rahilly’s Draft C would See Dáil Debates, vol 2, cols 144ff, 1 March 1922, col 224ff, 2 March 1922. See Chapter 4.  3 Irish Times, ‘Events during 1922’, 1 January 1923.  4 On the decision to submit the draft to the British authorities, see Chapter 3, 45.  1  2 16 The Drafts have been the sole minority draft. Draft C appears dissimilar as it uses American terminology for the legislative provisions, the structure is slightly different and it contains some substantial differences in detail. Given that these

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

committee of the Dáil would ‘nominate each Minister of the eight for a Ministry with special regard to his suitability for that particular office’39 and later that ‘they will be judged by the Dáil only by the efficiency with which their department is run, and the soundness or otherwise of the measures’.40 While the Assembly approved of the plan to eliminate what was referred to as ‘British-style party politics’ and many deputies spoke out against the evils of such a system, there seemed to be a lot of confusion surrounding the executive scheme, with repeated questions on

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

. Generally, the courts cannot overrule its legislation and no Parliament can pass laws that future Parliaments cannot change.’2 In complete contrast to the British idea, the Irish Constitution Committee decided on the idea of popular sovereignty for the Irish Free State Constitution.3 Popular sovereignty is the idea that the people are the source of all political authority within the state.4 It is the idea that the people can create their own state, write their own laws, build their own institutions, set down their own rules, elect their own representatives and have the

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution

6 Themes and influences No nation can pursue the path to self-government free from all external considerations and untrammelled by the intellectual influences descending from the past.1 Introduction In order to understand the thinking behind the 1922 Constitution, it is necessary to consider the document in the light of its intellectual and political context. The 1920s were years of momentous significance for Ireland because, after centuries of oppression and revolutionary struggle, the Irish people had finally gained the freedom to construct a new State for

in Drafting the Irish Free State Constitution