could participate in contemporary politics effectively and decisively. The inclusion of the sealing clause by Paris is indicative of this executive power and confirms that Paris knew the significance of the use and ownership of a seal.
Such seals were symbolically powerful and the seal matrices themselves as tangible objects resonated with symbolic associations. Just over thirty years later the obliteration of the royal power and inheritance of Gwynedd by Edward I after the defeat of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd involved measures to counter the
consortium of conversi. These lay men and women elected their own maestro but an advocate, selected by the commune and invested by the bishop, protected their interests in the public arena. 1 When they worked, such alliances illustrate a very effective mechanism for the balance of power and a way of dealing will the variety of competing interests in running the hospital.
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries these relationships did work to a large degree, as well as any such alliance forged between competing political players could. However
the servants of God’ ( servus servorum Dei ), a title adopted by many of his successors particularly from the second half of the eleventh century. This not only underlined his humility, but also reinforced Gregory’s understanding both of papal authority and the pope’s pastoral role. Gregory clearly was convinced that the pope was the jurisdictional as well as the spiritual head of the Church; yet it is evident from the letters in his Register that he understood this chiefly in terms of the Roman Church being the final court of appeal rather than as an executive
acquisition and development of legal consciousness among those who were
not themselves lawyers or judges is a significant feature of the
political history of the period 1215–1381. The political
ramifications of this phenomenon will be explored in Chapters 5 and 6 . In this chapter it is
argued that from childhood through to adulthood legal relationships,