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3 Political constitutionalism and executive power Introduction We have focused so far on the theory of republican freedom in rather abstract terms. In Part II, however, we consider how these ideas relate to specific questions of institutional design. In particular, we consider how republican theory might inform the inter-relationship between the legislative, executive and judicial organs of government. In this chapter, we assess the Westminster model of responsible government – both as it is posited in the text of the Irish Constitution and as it is practised in

in The political theory of the Irish Constitution
Transformation and the regulatory state

This book explores the transformation of the Japanese state in response to a variety of challenges by focusing on two case studies: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) regulation and anti-monopoly regulation after the 1980s, which experienced a disjuncture and significant transformation during the period, with particularistic approaches embracing competition. The case studies set up the state as the key locus of power, in contrast to pluralist and rational choice schools, which regard the state as insignificant. The analytical framework is drawn from key theories of governance and the state including the concepts of the core executive and the regulatory state. The book explores the extent to which there is asymmetric dominance on the part of Japan’s core executive through an examination of recent developments in the Japanese regulatory tradition since the 1980s. It concludes that the transformation of the Japanese state in the two case studies can be characterised as Japanese regulatory state development, with a view that the state at a macro level is the key locus of power. This book explores the transformation of the state and governance in a Japanese context and presents itself as an example of the new governance school addressing the state, its transformation, and the governance of the political arena in Japanese politics and beyond, setting out a challenge to the established body of pluralist and rational choice literature on Japanese politics.

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, certain political agents have become more powerful while others have lost power. This study has shown that the structural reasons for the democratic stalemate are twofold. First, as I have demonstrated through Finnish and French case studies, in the European political order executive-type political resources held by state executives and European bureaucrats prevail over legislative types of political resources. Supranational executive networks have become more autonomous, reinforcing the dominance of the resources they control in the dimensions 'supranational

in Democracy, social resources and political power in the European Union
The power-sharing executive in operation

promises that had been made earlier in that month. The experience of being a member of the power-sharing executive was a transformative one for both Gerry Fitt and the SDLP. The executive accentuated the divisions that existed between Fitt and his party, as well as his inability to provide effective leadership. The experience also transformed Fitt’s vision of Irish nationalism. It highlighted for him that the power-sharing element of the Sunningdale Agreement was a major advance for consensus politics in Northern Ireland, and he moved to a position where a solution would

in Gerry Fitt and the SDLP

broader policy-making context by widening the focus of central government studies and applying a range of conceptual and theoretical approaches to the core executive, disclosing the fluid and relational nature of power through observing how the power of actors has changed in the process of state transformation. Elsewhere, exploring the change of governance in regulation directly relates to the state’s political and institutional capacity to steer vis-à-vis the interests of other influential actors. As a key concept within the study of regulation and governance, the

in Understanding governance in contemporary Japan
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failure of Sunningdale, Secretary of State, Merlyn Rees, said that the UWC strike had demonstrated a rise in ‘Ulster Nationalism’ that would have to be taken into account by the Westminster Government.3 In 1972, the impasse in Northern Irish politics was broken by a direct intervention of the British Government, which tried to find an alternative to the Stormont system of majority rule. However, in the aftermath of the fall of the executive, Britain was reluctant to become embroiled in imposing a system of government on Northern Ireland. While they proposed a

in Gerry Fitt and the SDLP
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purpose at a particular time. It is suggested that ‘sovereignty’ is not identical to parliamentary sovereignty owing to the challenges posed by increased executive power, governance and globalisation. Examples of the various uses of sovereignty by members of the political elite to illustrate the way the concept is susceptible to misuse and abuse are outlined later in the chapter. The question of sovereignty also featured heavily throughout the debates surrounding the 2016 referendum on EU membership and the subsequent negotiation process. However, given the general

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984

The conclusion that many of us reached, certainly by the 1970s, was that the only conceivable way in which viable labour politics could be developed here was by getting the British Labour Party to organise here; either by absorbing the NILP or simply disbanding it and replacing it. 1 Introduction: the Constitutional Convention election It was an unfortunate fact of political life that for the third consecutive election the NILP presented a disunited front to the electorate. It was at

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party

the Northern Ireland Labour Party to have more liaison with and more visits from the National Executive Committee’. 97 She also noted the party’s acceptance of a non-sectarian approach to politics. However, it was the NILP’s critique of the Northern Ireland government’s refusal to grant recognition to the Leader of the Opposition at Stormont, to provide buildings to be used as community centres, the setting up of local health centres and group practices, free legal aid and the party’s call for the introduction of legislation covering office regulations as

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
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The end of neoliberalism?

exist at all” (Klein, 2017 ). If President Trump's goal was to end the corruption he argued was endemic in Washington, he has done so by placing the corrupters directly in positions of power. You could argue that at least he cut out the intermediary. In addition to populating the top levels of government with corporate executives and their long-time political supporters, the Trump administration has passed, or attempted to pass, a number of important changes in the areas that we have investigated in the previous chapters. Trump and income

in Neoliberal lives