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corruption in Bangladeshi politics.3 However the Awami League was still riding the post-Independence wave when the first general election was held in March 1973. The old Bengali left parties had compromised themselves out of effective power, but a new left, which looked towards China, had long been gestating within the Awami League itself. Najim Chowdhury, who came to London in the 1980s after a period as a political refugee in Germany, explains that, as a student and former freedom fighter in Chittagong, he was ready to join the new Glynn 04_Tonra 01 19/06/2014 12

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
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Support for Sinn Féin, the Dáil and local IRA units

4 Sinn Féin priests: support for Sinn Féin, the Dáil and local IRA units As Part I of this book has shown, a section of the clergy retained its support for the Irish Parliamentary Party even after the major political transformation that followed the Easter rising. But many priests did what the majority of the lay population did, and changed their allegiance to Sinn Féin. Ó Fiaich has plausibly argued that this change was most striking among a new generation of priests trained at Maynooth in the years during which the Gaelic revival was promoted there by such

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
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Responses to clerical support for republicanism

with the task of moving Father O’Grady off the bridge before it was destroyed.36 This amusing incident reflected underlying tensions that also came to light around the same time in Gorey, County Wexford, where the Benedictine priest Dom Francis Sweetman ran into difficulty with the local clergy over his political activities. His superiors had already asked him to step down as president of the North Wexford Sinn Féin constituency executive in March 1919.37 But in February 1921, Sweetman still controlled much of the party in Gorey, and Bishop Codd of Ferns complained

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
The social sphere

IN WHAT FOLLOWS, the focus of the analysis of the ‘defending democracy’ shifts away from the legal and judicial domains extensively discussed in the previous chapter. Here, I examine the extent to which the democracy can generate ‘antibodies’ which will help stay the expansion of political radicalism in society and, in this fashion, also reduce the mobilising potential of organisations and political parties calling for an alternative to democracy. The most promising means by which to obtain such ‘antibodies’ is the process of political

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence

, became Prime Minister of Pakistan. Political power brought differences within the party to a head. Suhrawardy rejected the League’s manifesto demand for full East Pakistani autonomy, but the issue that finally split the party was over foreign policy. Bhashani failed to persuade the majority to condemn Pakistan’s mutual defence agreement with the United States in favour of a nonaligned position and in the summer of 1957, together with nine other leftist members of the Executive Committee, he resigned from the party. Bhashani and other Bengali leftists joined an already

in Class, ethnicity and religion in the Bengali East End
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations

THE DEMOCRATIC POLITY’S struggle against manifestations of extra-parliamentary extremism and political violence is accompanied by a similar and perhaps even more acute quandary than its contest with political parties. In this struggle the government possesses the means to substantially restrict the freedom of expression and association of its citizens, consequently harming a number of their democratic rights. However, in its struggle against extremism, violence and, at times, even terrorism, the democracy is sometimes impelled to employ

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The Manchester Jewish Refugees Committee, 1939–1940

Communal Council. He also became a member of the Executive Committee of the Board of Deputies during Selig Brodetsky’s presidency and chairman of the Political Committee of the Zionist Federation. Norman Jacobs, ‘Manchester’, in Cyril Domb (ed.), Memories of Kopul Rosen (London 1970), p. 63. MWLBB Lodge Minutes 4 December 1933. He also made himself exceptionally vulnerable. After the war he was to find his name and Laski’s, as the only two Manchester Jews on the Black List of British Jews prepared by the Gestapo. A copy of the list, as published by the Manchester

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis

like me, often had strong misgivings over the malleable interpretation of the concept of a defending democracy held by the people of this country. I had grave doubts especially over the restrictions imposed upon those citizens, whether Arabs or Jews, secular or religious, left-wing or right-wing, who aspired to realise their basic rights within a democratic governmental system and who struggled to organise their cause into political action. The leaders of this country are accustomed to explain that the high price paid by a democracy which more than occasionally

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
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Democratic conflict and the public university

1 Contested framings: democratic conflict and the public university In April 2012, the annual NUS conference was dominated by a confrontation between the Union of Jewish Students (UJS) and pro-​Palestine activists. Commenting on this in the Jewish Chronicle, a Jewish student activist took the opportunity to raise a familiar rhetorical question: ‘What I do not understand is this: why the problems in the Middle East, and in particular the Palestinian cause, continually gain so much attention within the arena of student politics?’ (Carroll 2012). By questioning

in Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
The internal factors

) were inserted to give the Constitution an Islamic colour. The principle of socialism was given a new meaning – ‘economic and social justice’ (Preamble and Article 8). A new ideological terrain was in this way created by the regime to legitimize its rule. These steps, in conjunction with others, marked a decisive move away from a secular nationhood and accorded religious rhetoric a pivotal role in the political discourse. The executive orders, issued between 1976 and 1979, removed the ban on forming political parties based on religious ideology and allowed the

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis