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Support for Sinn Féin, the Dáil and local IRA units

4 Sinn Féin priests: support for Sinn Féin, the Dáil and local IRA units As Part I of this book has shown, a section of the clergy retained its support for the Irish Parliamentary Party even after the major political transformation that followed the Easter rising. But many priests did what the majority of the lay population did, and changed their allegiance to Sinn Féin. Ó Fiaich has plausibly argued that this change was most striking among a new generation of priests trained at Maynooth in the years during which the Gaelic revival was promoted there by such

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
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Responses to clerical support for republicanism

with the task of moving Father O’Grady off the bridge before it was destroyed.36 This amusing incident reflected underlying tensions that also came to light around the same time in Gorey, County Wexford, where the Benedictine priest Dom Francis Sweetman ran into difficulty with the local clergy over his political activities. His superiors had already asked him to step down as president of the North Wexford Sinn Féin constituency executive in March 1919.37 But in February 1921, Sweetman still controlled much of the party in Gorey, and Bishop Codd of Ferns complained

in Freedom and the Fifth Commandment
The Manchester Jewish Refugees Committee, 1939–1940

Communal Council. He also became a member of the Executive Committee of the Board of Deputies during Selig Brodetsky’s presidency and chairman of the Political Committee of the Zionist Federation. Norman Jacobs, ‘Manchester’, in Cyril Domb (ed.), Memories of Kopul Rosen (London 1970), p. 63. MWLBB Lodge Minutes 4 December 1933. He also made himself exceptionally vulnerable. After the war he was to find his name and Laski’s, as the only two Manchester Jews on the Black List of British Jews prepared by the Gestapo. A copy of the list, as published by the Manchester

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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. Keogh, The Vatican, the Bishops and Irish Politics, p. 106. Hagan to Curran, 8 Oct. 1922, Curran Political Papers, DDA, 1919–23. Hagan to Curran, 13 Dec. 1922, Curran Political Papers, DDA, 1919–23. Hopkinson, Green Against Green, p. 188. Ibid., p. 181. Hagan to O’Donnell, 26 Mar. 1923, O’Donnell Papers, ADA, box 6, folder 1, ‘Irish College’. Cosgrave to Byrne, 18 Nov. 1922, Byrne Papers, DDA, ‘Executive Council’. Byrne to Cosgrave, 10 Dec 1922, Byrne Papers, DDA, ‘Executive Council’. Keogh, The Vatican, the Bishops and Irish Politics, p. 98. Curran to O’Donnell, 12

in Michael Logue and the Catholic Church in Ireland, 1879–1925
Hutchinson and party politics, 1700–20

3 ‘A well affected man’: Hutchinson and party politics, 1700–20 From 1689 to 1714, Tory and Whig was the standing political division in Parliament and in the political identities assumed by most MPs. From time to time this pattern was upset by coalitions between court and country members of both parties. These coalitions were more prominent in the 1690s than in the 1700s and the 1710s, when the Tory party increasingly became the natural home of the committed country supporter. The court vs country divide was characterised by the quest of country members to

in Witchcraft and Whigs
Women in the Freethought movement

were permitted to run for executive positions in the NSS, the British Secular Union and the Freethought League. For example, Harriet Law became president of the Freethought League in 1869 and was repeatedly elected to (but declined) the position of vice president of the NSS. 4 Annie Besant was elected to this position in 1875, followed by Hypatia and Alice Bradlaugh in 1883. A similarly egalitarian approach to membership

in Infidel feminism
Refugees and the Manchester Yeshiva

effectively committing itself to the collective maintenance of an unknown number of young refugee students at a time when the managers of both its banks were pressing for a reduction of its overdrafts.16 News of the Kristallnacht pogrom strengthened the hand of the pro-refugee caucus. At a meeting of the Finance Committee on 13 November, after moving a vote of sympathy with the Jews of Germany, Rosenberg ‘expressed the hope that the conscience of the world would be moved to some action, as it was not a question of race or politics, but of humanity’. A week later he pressed

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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The case of Lionel Cowan

grace of God” … [but] the reason for all of us, whatever our belief, Refugees matter not only to themselves but to us all – economically, politically (though I am not dwelling on these aspects as they are covered by experts … ) but they also matter as human beings – to themselves but also to all other human beings.’1 A Quaker, while not disagreeing, might have added as a motive ‘the imperatives of pacifism’. For most members of such organisations as the Peace Pledge Union (PPU), the International Voluntary Service for Peace, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation, as

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’

Barnard, A new anatomy of Ireland: the Irish Protestants, 1649–1770 (London, 2003), chapter 4; and J. L. McCracken, ‘The ecclesiastical structure, 1714– 60’ in T. W. Moody and W. E. Vaughan (eds), A new history of Ireland: eighteenth-century Ireland, 1691–1800 (Oxford, 1985), iv, 84–5. For a discussion of the attitudes and outlooks of the High-Church majority in particular, see David Hayton, ‘High-Churchmen in the Irish Convocation’ in idem (ed.), Ruling Ireland, 1685–1742: politics, parties, politicians (Suffolk, 2004), pp. 131–58 and Sean J. Connolly, ‘Reformers and

in Witchcraft and Whigs

the factors in the animus against Conway on the part of officialdom was that, at least in private, he could be deeply critical of government security and political policy. Along with other Catholic churchmen, in contrast to their Protestant colleagues,37 he denounced internment, especially its clearly one-sided application. He also felt a deep sense of personal betrayal concerning the government’s climbdown in the face of the Ulster Workers’ Strike in May 1974, which brought down the power-sharing executive. He was also not slow in pointing out what he took to be

in Irish Catholic identities