Support for Sinn Féin, the Dáil and local IRA units
Sinn Féin priests: support for Sinn Féin,
the Dáil and local IRA units
As Part I of this book has shown, a section of the clergy retained
its support for the Irish Parliamentary Party even after the major
political transformation that followed the Easter rising. But many
priests did what the majority of the lay population did, and changed
their allegiance to Sinn Féin. Ó Fiaich has plausibly argued that
this change was most striking among a new generation of priests
trained at Maynooth in the years during which the Gaelic revival
was promoted there by such
with the task of
moving Father O’Grady off the bridge before it was destroyed.36
This amusing incident reflected underlying tensions that also
came to light around the same time in Gorey, County Wexford,
where the Benedictine priest Dom Francis Sweetman ran into difficulty with the local clergy over his political activities. His superiors had already asked him to step down as president of the North
Wexford Sinn Féin constituency executive in March 1919.37 But
in February 1921, Sweetman still controlled much of the party in
Gorey, and Bishop Codd of Ferns complained
The Manchester Jewish Refugees Committee, 1939–1940
Communal Council. He also
became a member of the Executive Committee of the Board of Deputies during
Selig Brodetsky’s presidency and chairman of the Political Committee of the Zionist
Norman Jacobs, ‘Manchester’, in Cyril Domb (ed.), Memories of Kopul Rosen (London
1970), p. 63.
MWLBB Lodge Minutes 4 December 1933.
He also made himself exceptionally vulnerable. After the war he was to find his name
and Laski’s, as the only two Manchester Jews on the Black List of British Jews prepared by the Gestapo. A copy of the list, as published by the Manchester
Keogh, The Vatican, the Bishops and Irish Politics, p. 106.
Hagan to Curran, 8 Oct. 1922, Curran Political Papers, DDA, 1919–23.
Hagan to Curran, 13 Dec. 1922, Curran Political Papers, DDA, 1919–23.
Hopkinson, Green Against Green, p. 188.
Ibid., p. 181.
Hagan to O’Donnell, 26 Mar. 1923, O’Donnell Papers, ADA, box 6, folder 1,
Cosgrave to Byrne, 18 Nov. 1922, Byrne Papers, DDA, ‘Executive Council’.
Byrne to Cosgrave, 10 Dec 1922, Byrne Papers, DDA, ‘Executive Council’.
Keogh, The Vatican, the Bishops and Irish Politics, p. 98.
Curran to O’Donnell, 12
‘A well affected man’: Hutchinson
and party politics, 1700–20
From 1689 to 1714, Tory and Whig was the standing political division in
Parliament and in the political identities assumed by most MPs. From time
to time this pattern was upset by coalitions between court and country
members of both parties. These coalitions were more prominent in the
1690s than in the 1700s and the 1710s, when the Tory party increasingly
became the natural home of the committed country supporter. The court
vs country divide was characterised by the quest of country members
were permitted to run for
executive positions in the NSS, the British Secular Union and the
Freethought League. For example, Harriet Law became president of the
Freethought League in 1869 and was repeatedly elected to (but declined) the
position of vice president of the NSS. 4 Annie Besant was elected to this position in 1875,
followed by Hypatia and Alice Bradlaugh in 1883. A similarly egalitarian
approach to membership
effectively committing itself to the collective maintenance of an unknown number of young refugee students at a time when the
managers of both its banks were pressing for a reduction of its overdrafts.16
News of the Kristallnacht pogrom strengthened the hand of the pro-refugee caucus. At a meeting of the Finance Committee on 13 November, after
moving a vote of sympathy with the Jews of Germany, Rosenberg ‘expressed
the hope that the conscience of the world would be moved to some action,
as it was not a question of race or politics, but of humanity’. A week later he
grace of God” … [but] the reason for all of us, whatever our belief, Refugees
matter not only to themselves but to us all – economically, politically (though
I am not dwelling on these aspects as they are covered by experts … ) but
they also matter as human beings – to themselves but also to all other human
A Quaker, while not disagreeing, might have added as a motive ‘the imperatives of pacifism’. For most members of such organisations as the Peace
Pledge Union (PPU), the International Voluntary Service for Peace, and the
Fellowship of Reconciliation, as
Barnard, A new anatomy of Ireland: the Irish Protestants, 1649–1770 (London, 2003),
chapter 4; and J. L. McCracken, ‘The ecclesiastical structure, 1714– 60’ in T. W. Moody
and W. E. Vaughan (eds), A new history of Ireland: eighteenth-century Ireland, 1691–1800
(Oxford, 1985), iv, 84–5. For a discussion of the attitudes and outlooks of the High-Church
majority in particular, see David Hayton, ‘High-Churchmen in the Irish Convocation’ in idem
(ed.), Ruling Ireland, 1685–1742: politics, parties, politicians (Suffolk, 2004), pp. 131–58
and Sean J. Connolly, ‘Reformers and
the factors in the animus against Conway on the part of
officialdom was that, at least in private, he could be deeply critical of
government security and political policy. Along with other Catholic
churchmen, in contrast to their Protestant colleagues,37 he denounced
internment, especially its clearly one-sided application. He also felt a
deep sense of personal betrayal concerning the government’s climbdown
in the face of the Ulster Workers’ Strike in May 1974, which brought
down the power-sharing executive. He was also not slow in pointing
out what he took to be