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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

, 1990 : 11). When faced with Trump, Xi Jinping, Orban, Erdogan, Putin, Assad, Duterte, non-liberals all, how can the argument for neutrality be successful? They see opponents not as legitimate competitors protected by a set of institutional rules that limit the scope of conflict but as threats to be eliminated. Chantal Mouffe differentiates ‘the political’ from ‘politics’: the political is the sphere of existential conflict over the nature of the state where the most basic institutions of the system itself are fought over ( Mouffe, 2005 : chap

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Tarja Väyrynen

understand how conflict can be a symptom, two things have to be noted. First, conflict is endemic, and, second, functional conflicts can be differentiated from dysfunctional ones, or, at least, the functional value of conflict can be differentiated from its dysfunctional consequences. Conflict can have, for example, group-binding, group-preserving and internal cohesion increasing functions. Since conflicts

in Culture and international conflict resolution
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The EU and the governance of European security
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

European security are likely to be perpetrated by nonstate actors in the service of objectives not readily recognisable by international relations scholars. Nonetheless, only the state can discharge the important functional role of responding to these disparate security threats. In that sense the state remains alive and well, yet its ability to discharge its security function has been severely compromised

in EU security governance
Exception, not transformation
Malcolm Cook

exceptional rather than transformative when it comes to US engagement with ASEAN. The ASEAN Rebalance In 2009, the Obama administration came into office with the outlines of a new strategy for American engagement in Asia that were quickly acted upon. This new strategy, labelled the “Pivot” then the “Rebalance” to Asia, had one major political goal and one major strategic goal. The political goal was to sharply, at least rhetorically, differentiate the new Democratic Obama administration from the prior Republican George W. Bush administration of 2001–09. The widespread

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Raymond Hinnebusch

apparent decline or at least underwent a reinterpretation to the advantage of sovereignty. This ‘de-construction’ was, in the first instance, a result of the interaction of state leaders. Over time the competition and insecurity natural in a states system, particularly where regimes were vulnerable to trans-state subversion, reinforced the territorial differentiation between the individual states; moreover, from the beginning, those states whose sovereignty was threatened by Nasser’s attempt to impose Pan-Arab uniformity formed anti-hegemonic alliances against Cairo

in The international politics of the Middle East
Tarja Väyrynen

differentiates action from act. The term ‘action’ means human conduct devised by the actor in advance, that is, conduct based on a preconceived project. The term ‘act’ designates the outcome of the ongoing process, the accomplished action. Action, or performance, as Schütz also calls it, may be covert or overt. By ‘working’ he means overt actions which require bodily movements and which aim at changing the

in Culture and international conflict resolution
The nineteenth century and the rise of mass participation
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

scientific methods could be transferred from the study of nature to the study of society. Just as the political and economic revolutions coincided and intertwined at the very end of the eighteenth century, the growth of the new social sciences and the evolution of political ideologies converged and intertwined throughout the nineteenth. The evolution of social thought displayed two contradictory tendencies: unification and differentiation. On the one hand, there was an optimistic drive towards grand theory, that is, a single, unified master science. Hegel, Comte

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
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The problématique of culture in international conflict analysis
Tarja Väyrynen

international relations should be on transactions instead of states. Similarly, he has paid attention to functional cooperation as a tool of adaptation to changing international circumstances. This book examines Burton’s conflict and conflict resolution theory and its relation to his human needs theory. It is demonstrated that taking sociobiologically based human needs as a starting-point for conflict theory

in Culture and international conflict resolution
Sarah von Billerbeck

connected to the efficient implementation of its goals and more closely coupled to legitimacy criteria that come from the cultural environment’, an environment that they further specify is characterised by ‘often conflicting functional, normative, and legitimacy imperatives’ ( 2004 : 37). They illustrate their argument with the case of UN peacekeeping in Rwanda in 1994. They argue that the organisation's failure to respond to the unfolding genocide was a result not of reluctance by member states – the most commonly offered explanation for UN inaction

in United Nations peace operations and International Relations theory
Adrian Millar

that readily impinges on people’s lives in any real functional sense. The near universal acceptance of an explanation of the conflict in terms of a given understanding or misunderstanding of reality does not in itself give rise to political change that can lead to the resolution of conflict. What goes on in people’s heads at an intellectual level, no matter how ‘right’ we get it, is neither a

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict