, 1990 : 11). When faced with
Trump, Xi Jinping, Orban, Erdogan, Putin, Assad, Duterte, non-liberals all, how can the argument
for neutrality be successful? They see opponents not as legitimate competitors protected by a
set of institutional rules that limit the scope of conflict but as threats to be eliminated.
Chantal Mouffe differentiates ‘the political’ from ‘politics’: the
political is the sphere of existential conflict over the nature of the state where the most
basic institutions of the system itself are fought over ( Mouffe, 2005 : chap
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
very real and at times functional mode of development
for actors in the region, an issue which is addressed below and which will also
be returned to in the concluding chapter.
The contextual approach to understanding smuggling points to several
different ‘functions’ of these economic activities. For example, crime and
smuggling serve a social function insofar as they play a role in defining
and differentiating between groups. As a Kosovan journalist who investigates
and writes about organised crime in the region explained,
the phrase of ‘criminal networks’ is not
granted to individuals in peace accords (Ballentine, 2004;
Gouvnev, 2003). Finally, there is an obvious economic legacy. Past war
economies may hinder peacetime development by destabilising the state,
which limits foreign investment, and continued smuggling detracts money
from the state by eroding the tax base.
Of course, there is a functional and political logic to framing war
economies as temporally bound within the accepted time frame of the conflict.
As Hughes and Pupavac argue, ‘framing historical events in the contingent
understandings of relevant time and space
The making of a regional political class in itself
Political careers: the making of a
regional political class in itself
In the ﬁrst part of the empirical analysis the focus is on the political class as a
dependent variable and remains restricted to its structural dimension as a class
‘in itself’. It is asked whether the concurrent processes of regionalisation and
political professionalisation in Catalonia and Scotland have led to the emergence of a regional political class as constituted by the existence of professional
politicians (functionaldifferentiation) with a common regional career orientation
functionaldifferentiation. Second, it is meant to enhance our
conceptual grasp and theoretical understanding of the dynamic interrelation
between political professionalisaton and political institutions on the regional
level. As a major instrument in this process, the concept of political class
(see below) is introduced and adapted to the regional level. Doing so, in
turn, is meant to demonstrate its analytical validity and to further sharpen it
as an analytical tool. Last but not least, the study is meant to considerably
M1870 - STOLZ TEXT.indd 3
professionalisation that is
only slightly below that of the central state level. No doubt, in Catalonia and
Scotland the territorial and the functionaldifferentiation of politics have come
together in their most pronounced form.
However, despite these similarities with regard to the general pattern,
the concrete concurrence of these processes in Catalonia and Scotland also
differs in many respects. The ﬁrst major difference regards the basis of regional
identity. While both cases are conﬁned to the civic, territorially based variety
of regionalism rather than employing any ethnic
trade unions have not dominated
the Labour Party lies in the ‘playing of different roles’ in a system of functionaldifferentiation (Minkin 1991: 26). Along with the ‘rules’, role is a central organising
concept in Minkin’s work. A role comprises ‘a cluster of norms that applies to any
single unit of social interaction’ (see Haas and Drabek 1973: 110–1). In other
words, the role of, say, a trade union member of the NEC comprises the various
norms and conventions attached to it. Role theory posits that role-holders will
behave in accordance with role requirements – as
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.