to a whole.
The holistic principle of structural integration, in other words, went hand
in hand with a notion of functionaldifferentiation.
The third consequence of the reflexive ethnocentrism of classical
takes on indigenous cosmology has to do with the hierarchical way in
which it ordered different perspectives on the world, and particularly the
superiority it accorded to the cosmological project of the anthropologists
at the expense of those of the people they study. For, if what holds the
basic image together is the idea of a single and uniform world that
This book reflects the full diversity of the spirit of cosmological experimentation as an analytical impulse on the part of the anthropologist and as an ethnographic observation about the people anthropologists study. The first part of the book addresses the ways in which fresh anthropological interest in cosmology problematises traditional conceptions of holism understood as a 'totalising' discourse. The second part shows that cosmology can be seen as a functionally differentiated and distinct part of the total social order to be studied alongside other parts, including kinship, economy or politics. It shines light on the varied imbrications of cosmological concerns with political and economic practices in particular. The third part focuses on the ways in which social phenomena that a classically inclined anthropology would designate as 'modern' areas cosmologically embedded (indeed saturated) as any 'pre-modern' society ever was. It shows how the cosmological constitution of political economies is particularly bound up with the breakdown of classical dichotomies between modern science and pre-modern cosmologies. The book also reveals the abiding role that different technological forms play in sustaining cosmological concerns at the heart of contemporary life in the West. It broaches the strong affinity between cinema and cosmology in an analysis of two films concerned with the origin of humanity.
as the product of a single firm or
manufacturer’ (Merriam-Webster, no date).
Historically, the term brand has been traced to the Old Norse word brandr,
which means ‘to burn’. Producers would literally burn their mark into their
merchandise to differentiate it from similar commodities marketed by other producers (Marketing Magazine, 2006). Thousands of years ago, ancient craftsmen in
societies in the Far East and Middle East not only marked their products, but also
used other markers on signs and, when it became available, early forms of paper
such as papyrus, to
the utility functions of different consumers does not imply complete convergence of their preferences
and wants. One of the most common trends observed in consumption is the
growing differentiation, or even individualisation, of consumers’ choices as
their income grows. Thus we have to acknowledge that as new objects of
consumption are created there are forces leading both to the convergence
and to the divergence of individual ranking orders.
The previous considerations imply that the creation of a radical innovation
cannot be stimulated by existing demand. If
security exists to efface mortality, contra
other arguments made about the functionality of anticipatory
But can you successfully memorialise an event that was
invisible? Can you use a visible, physical design to efface a bombsite
that is unseen?
These may seem like abstract questions; however, these are
issues that directly affect the commemoration of the London bombings
transformation, and the generation of qualitative differentiation of outputs.
In this perspective, of course it might be that in some economies, or
indeed for certain outputs, multiple agents might aim to produce qualitative similarity and homogeneity, permitting like-for-like comparison
between outputs, and, in a competitive market economy, assuming
success, competition would lead to success for the firm delivering the
lowest price for the same product. But let us assume the opposite is the
case, and that firms compete to achieve market positions of qualitative
knowledge diffusion and creation. We opposed the
two paradigms as alternative ways of differentiating food networks, providing
‘functional’ versus ‘identity’ food, but emphasised that the globalisation of agrofood networks was combining governance institutions related to those two paradigms. My intention here is to relate these cognitive frameworks to the discussion
of the economic approach of quality.
Akerlof, A. G. (1970), ‘The market for lemons: quality uncertainty and the market
mechanism’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 84, pp. 488–500.
Allaire, G. (1995
comment on corporatism and neo-corporatism as more widely understood.
Bipartism in Ireland in a neo-corporatist perspective
The broad theoretical context for Ireland’s first attempt at centralised bargaining in the 1970-81 period is post-war corporatism. Social corporatism or neo-
corporatism was defined by Schmitter as:
a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized
into a limited number of singular, compulsory, non-competitive, hierarchically
ordered and functionallydifferentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not
modernity’ (Roche 2000, ch.
5) I suggested that a mega-event’s main site should be seen as analogous both
to a theatre and also to a touristic theme park, albeit a temporary version of
each. The ‘theme park’ analogy is particularly relevant for the main site of a
World Expo, which, in the largest category of Expo, typically contains many
differently designed pavilions representing the participating nations. And it is
relevant also for understanding the main site of an Olympic Games, with its
large-scale Olympic stadium and the various functional buildings and venues,
wider set of data, for instance regarding the causes of
economic crisis, and the overall trajectory of the modern liberal and capitalist
economy. Here the means of generalisation is largely by articulating smaller causal
narratives with larger ones. The material in this study is being made sense of
by a judicious balance of these two rather separate ways of understanding. This
distinction echoes many classic distinctions between functional and historical, or
synchronic and diachronic modes of analysis. I have come to the practical view
that this is necessary for the