to a whole.
The holistic principle of structural integration, in other words, went hand
in hand with a notion of functionaldifferentiation.
The third consequence of the reflexive ethnocentrism of classical
takes on indigenous cosmology has to do with the hierarchical way in
which it ordered different perspectives on the world, and particularly the
superiority it accorded to the cosmological project of the anthropologists
at the expense of those of the people they study. For, if what holds the
basic image together is the idea of a single and uniform world that
This book reflects the full diversity of the spirit of cosmological experimentation as an analytical impulse on the part of the anthropologist and as an ethnographic observation about the people anthropologists study. The first part of the book addresses the ways in which fresh anthropological interest in cosmology problematises traditional conceptions of holism understood as a 'totalising' discourse. The second part shows that cosmology can be seen as a functionally differentiated and distinct part of the total social order to be studied alongside other parts, including kinship, economy or politics. It shines light on the varied imbrications of cosmological concerns with political and economic practices in particular. The third part focuses on the ways in which social phenomena that a classically inclined anthropology would designate as 'modern' areas cosmologically embedded (indeed saturated) as any 'pre-modern' society ever was. It shows how the cosmological constitution of political economies is particularly bound up with the breakdown of classical dichotomies between modern science and pre-modern cosmologies. The book also reveals the abiding role that different technological forms play in sustaining cosmological concerns at the heart of contemporary life in the West. It broaches the strong affinity between cinema and cosmology in an analysis of two films concerned with the origin of humanity.
With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
Deporting Black Britons provides an ethnographic account of deportation from the UK to Jamaica. It traces the painful stories of four men who were deported after receiving criminal convictions in the UK. For each of the men, all of whom had moved to the UK as children, deportation was lived as exile – from parents, partners, children and friends – and the book offers portraits of survival and hardship in both the UK and Jamaica. Based on over four years of research, Deporting Black Britons describes the human consequences of deportation, while situating deportation stories within the broader context of policy, ideology, law and violence. It examines the relationship between racism, criminalisation and immigration control in contemporary Britain, suggesting new ways of thinking about race, borders and citizenship in these anti-immigrant times. Ultimately, the book argues that these stories of exile and banishment should orient us in the struggle against violent immigration controls, in the UK and elsewhere.
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
as the product of a single firm or
manufacturer’ (Merriam-Webster, no date).
Historically, the term brand has been traced to the Old Norse word brandr,
which means ‘to burn’. Producers would literally burn their mark into their
merchandise to differentiate it from similar commodities marketed by other producers (Marketing Magazine, 2006). Thousands of years ago, ancient craftsmen in
societies in the Far East and Middle East not only marked their products, but also
used other markers on signs and, when it became available, early forms of paper
such as papyrus, to
the utility functions of different consumers does not imply complete convergence of their preferences
and wants. One of the most common trends observed in consumption is the
growing differentiation, or even individualisation, of consumers’ choices as
their income grows. Thus we have to acknowledge that as new objects of
consumption are created there are forces leading both to the convergence
and to the divergence of individual ranking orders.
The previous considerations imply that the creation of a radical innovation
cannot be stimulated by existing demand. If
security exists to efface mortality, contra
other arguments made about the functionality of anticipatory
But can you successfully memorialise an event that was
invisible? Can you use a visible, physical design to efface a bombsite
that is unseen?
These may seem like abstract questions; however, these are
issues that directly affect the commemoration of the London bombings
transformation, and the generation of qualitative differentiation of outputs.
In this perspective, of course it might be that in some economies, or
indeed for certain outputs, multiple agents might aim to produce qualitative similarity and homogeneity, permitting like-for-like comparison
between outputs, and, in a competitive market economy, assuming
success, competition would lead to success for the firm delivering the
lowest price for the same product. But let us assume the opposite is the
case, and that firms compete to achieve market positions of qualitative
knowledge diffusion and creation. We opposed the
two paradigms as alternative ways of differentiating food networks, providing
‘functional’ versus ‘identity’ food, but emphasised that the globalisation of agrofood networks was combining governance institutions related to those two paradigms. My intention here is to relate these cognitive frameworks to the discussion
of the economic approach of quality.
Akerlof, A. G. (1970), ‘The market for lemons: quality uncertainty and the market
mechanism’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 84, pp. 488–500.
Allaire, G. (1995