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Europeanisation and language borders

even more complex because national minorities in some cases prefer Russian-medium instruction due to the codification of the minority language in the Cyrillic alphabet and the tradition of using Russian textbooks in schools and, in some cases, at higher levels of education, among other reasons. This aspect is related to Russian functioning as the language of multi-ethnic communication in the Soviet Union as a multi-ethnic and multicultural unity. Purely linguistic features also influence the narrowing of the distance between languages. Some of the functional

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood

apparent decline or at least underwent a reinterpretation to the advantage of sovereignty. This ‘de-construction’ was, in the first instance, a result of the interaction of state leaders. Over time the competition and insecurity natural in a states system, particularly where regimes were vulnerable to trans-state subversion, reinforced the territorial differentiation between the individual states; moreover, from the beginning, those states whose sovereignty was threatened by Nasser’s attempt to impose Pan-Arab uniformity formed anti-hegemonic alliances against Cairo

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)

borders and states, as such, exist. The transformations of this language of human rights, as of the forms of governance with which it is so intimately connected, are an on-going and largely unpredictable process. It is a language or a set of tools which can work in various ways and to various effects, and which has a complex, dense accumulation of traditions, debates and practices. What is meant by human rights in practice (and how widespread and functional the international standard in fact is) will evolve, if at all, not as a Western concept exported elsewhere, but

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
(Re)calibrating democratic expectations

) takes a different perspective and talks of popular, interest or functional representation. Popular is based on the rights of citizenship, interests on some presumed social significance (usually occupational), and functional on presumed or recognized expertise (usually professional). But, according to Pitkin’s seminal work on the subject, political representation is at its core about the representative ‘acting in the interest of the represented, in a manner responsive to them’ (1967, 209). Claims to representativeness are underpinned and

in Groups, representation and democracy
Evaluating adaptation strategy

teams within the Cabinet Office, FCO and UKRep contributed towards exaggerated expectations about their role. In Ireland role differentiation between the DT and DFA was commonly blurred by virtue of the fact that responsibility for network management was split between the two. A number of officials suggested that they had become ‘almost indistinguishable’ as a result of functional overlap and cross-fertilisation of personnel. 41 Yet in contrast to the UK, the appointment of a Minister of State for Europe in 2002 did help considerably to

in Managing Europe from home
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations

development of our selves. Such recognition ideally manifests itself within three central spheres of ethical existence: in the family, in civil society and in the state. In the family, members initially experience an undivided feeling of love which gradually becomes differentiated as self-consciousness matures into full personality. In the sphere of civil society, consciousness manifests itself in the

in Recognition and Global Politics

dependent sovereign states. Limited independence has been a constant feature of many small states over time, to be sure. To identify states as such, and in particular small states, the standard of a “functionally independent”28 unitary actor in the system is applied here. Recognizing the near impossibility of small states being truly independent in the narrowest sense of the word, statehood will be assumed here if a small state has sufficient independence to function as its own unit in the states system. Autonomy has considerable overlap with independence, so much so that

in Small states in world politics

connecting organisations to vital resources and allies outside of the United Kingdom.1 In doing so, these transnational networks not only demonstrated their capacity to alter actors’ material conditions (e.g. through patronage), they wielded significant ideational power as well, using the flow of information to reframe how key stakeholders understood the causes of the Troubles and what was needed to bring about peace. Although transnational ties were consequential during the Troubles, most studies do not sufficiently differentiate among the various types of cross-­ border

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland

During this transition, the Ottomans invented their Turkishness under the influence of nationalist ideas from the West. Third, and, more importantly, Turkish nationalism was not purely based on primordialist ties and ethno-­symbols. The pre-­modern Ottoman identity was based on the millet system that was characterised by religious communities rather than ethnic communities or language.33 Within this system, there was a differentiation between Muslim and non-­Muslim subjects but no official differentiation among the Muslims by language or ethnicity. In terms of ethnic

in Turkey facing east
Open Access (free)

sovereign (or of sovereignty) was particular. Its freedom to follow its own faith, or management of faiths, was supreme. The power of sovereignty was the power (in principle) of the particularist government to override all other claims to (worldly) authority. Despite radical shifts in the state system since Westphalia, this broadly constitutive element continues to serve as a powerful inscription of particularism. But within the evolving European state system this particularism and differentiation was held within the scope of both complementary and competing principles of

in Human rights and the borders of suffering