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Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

very real and at times functional mode of development for actors in the region, an issue which is addressed below and which will also be returned to in the concluding chapter. The contextual approach to understanding smuggling points to several different ‘functions’ of these economic activities. For example, crime and smuggling serve a social function insofar as they play a role in defining and differentiating between groups. As a Kosovan journalist who investigates and writes about organised crime in the region explained, the phrase of ‘criminal networks’ is not

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry

granted to individuals in peace accords (Ballentine, 2004; Gouvnev, 2003). Finally, there is an obvious economic legacy. Past war economies may hinder peacetime development by destabilising the state, which limits foreign investment, and continued smuggling detracts money from the state by eroding the tax base. Of course, there is a functional and political logic to framing war economies as temporally bound within the accepted time frame of the conflict. As Hughes and Pupavac argue, ‘framing historical events in the contingent understandings of relevant time and space

in Building a peace economy?
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The making of a regional political class in itself

3 Political careers: the making of a regional political class in itself In the first part of the empirical analysis the focus is on the political class as a dependent variable and remains restricted to its structural dimension as a class ‘in itself’. It is asked whether the concurrent processes of regionalisation and political professionalisation in Catalonia and Scotland have led to the emergence of a regional political class as constituted by the existence of professional politicians (functional differentiation) with a common regional career orientation

in Towards a regional political class?

functional differentiation. Second, it is meant to enhance our conceptual grasp and theoretical understanding of the dynamic interrelation between political professionalisaton and political institutions on the regional level. As a major instrument in this process, the concept of political class (see below) is introduced and adapted to the regional level. Doing so, in turn, is meant to demonstrate its analytical validity and to further sharpen it as an analytical tool. Last but not least, the study is meant to considerably M1870 - STOLZ TEXT.indd 3 20/8/09 11:50:55 4

in Towards a regional political class?
Setting the stage for a regional political class

professionalisation that is only slightly below that of the central state level. No doubt, in Catalonia and Scotland the territorial and the functional differentiation of politics have come together in their most pronounced form. However, despite these similarities with regard to the general pattern, the concrete concurrence of these processes in Catalonia and Scotland also differs in many respects. The first major difference regards the basis of regional identity. While both cases are confined to the civic, territorially based variety of regionalism rather than employing any ethnic

in Towards a regional political class?
Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Prisoners of the past

This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.

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elements of the market-administrative system differentiated out, often beyond the influence of the lifeworld (Habermas, 1995 : 153-6); it is in relation to modern societies that juridification is spoken of. Analysis of a tribe can be carried out exclusively from the system or lifeworld perspective because market and administrative functions are structured and conceptualised entirely in terms of the traditions of which the lifeworld is composed. Indeed, linguistically mediated communication constitutes social structures, resulting in

in Habermas and European integration

below in the case of Belgium and Spain. At the same time there has been a ‘deethnicisation’ of territory. Ethnic appeals have been de-legitimised, so the territory is presented as involving the experience of those living within it. The fifth theme identified by Keating, Loughlin and Deschouwer (2003) is that of top-down functional regionalisation. There has always been a tension between political decentralisation and state regionalisation. Decentralisation ‘entails the exercise of autonomous decision-making concerning a set of political powers by sub-state governments

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
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viability of democratic arrangements within and across pre-established borders. Whatever the lessons stemming from the process of bringing together a number of democratic governments under the organisational logic of a larger management system, the work at hand will have made a contribution if it offers an opportunity to communicate the major concerns underlying the evolutionary nature of European governance and its functionally structured subsystems. Such a task represents, above all, a pragmatic challenge, confronting, on the one hand, the transformation of

in Theory and reform in the European Union