Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
very real and at times functional mode of development
for actors in the region, an issue which is addressed below and which will also
be returned to in the concluding chapter.
The contextual approach to understanding smuggling points to several
different ‘functions’ of these economic activities. For example, crime and
smuggling serve a social function insofar as they play a role in defining
and differentiating between groups. As a Kosovan journalist who investigates
and writes about organised crime in the region explained,
the phrase of ‘criminal networks’ is not
granted to individuals in peace accords (Ballentine, 2004;
Gouvnev, 2003). Finally, there is an obvious economic legacy. Past war
economies may hinder peacetime development by destabilising the state,
which limits foreign investment, and continued smuggling detracts money
from the state by eroding the tax base.
Of course, there is a functional and political logic to framing war
economies as temporally bound within the accepted time frame of the conflict.
As Hughes and Pupavac argue, ‘framing historical events in the contingent
understandings of relevant time and space
The making of a regional political class in itself
Political careers: the making of a
regional political class in itself
In the ﬁrst part of the empirical analysis the focus is on the political class as a
dependent variable and remains restricted to its structural dimension as a class
‘in itself’. It is asked whether the concurrent processes of regionalisation and
political professionalisation in Catalonia and Scotland have led to the emergence of a regional political class as constituted by the existence of professional
politicians (functionaldifferentiation) with a common regional career orientation
functionaldifferentiation. Second, it is meant to enhance our
conceptual grasp and theoretical understanding of the dynamic interrelation
between political professionalisaton and political institutions on the regional
level. As a major instrument in this process, the concept of political class
(see below) is introduced and adapted to the regional level. Doing so, in
turn, is meant to demonstrate its analytical validity and to further sharpen it
as an analytical tool. Last but not least, the study is meant to considerably
M1870 - STOLZ TEXT.indd 3
professionalisation that is
only slightly below that of the central state level. No doubt, in Catalonia and
Scotland the territorial and the functionaldifferentiation of politics have come
together in their most pronounced form.
However, despite these similarities with regard to the general pattern,
the concrete concurrence of these processes in Catalonia and Scotland also
differs in many respects. The ﬁrst major difference regards the basis of regional
identity. While both cases are conﬁned to the civic, territorially based variety
of regionalism rather than employing any ethnic
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
elements of the market-administrative system differentiated out, often beyond the influence of the lifeworld
(Habermas, 1995 : 153-6); it is in relation to modern societies that
juridification is spoken of.
Analysis of a tribe can be carried out exclusively from the system or
lifeworld perspective because market and administrative functions are structured and
conceptualised entirely in terms of the traditions of which the lifeworld is composed. Indeed,
linguistically mediated communication constitutes social structures, resulting in
below in the case of Belgium and Spain. At the same time there has been a ‘deethnicisation’ of territory. Ethnic appeals have been de-legitimised, so the territory is presented as involving the experience of those living within it.
The fifth theme identified by Keating, Loughlin and Deschouwer (2003)
is that of top-down functional regionalisation. There has always been a tension
between political decentralisation and state regionalisation. Decentralisation
‘entails the exercise of autonomous decision-making concerning a set of political powers by sub-state governments
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
viability of democratic arrangements
within and across pre-established borders. Whatever the lessons stemming from
the process of bringing together a number of democratic governments under
the organisational logic of a larger management system, the work at hand will
have made a contribution if it offers an opportunity to communicate the major
concerns underlying the evolutionary nature of European governance and its
functionally structured subsystems. Such a task represents, above all, a pragmatic challenge, confronting, on the one hand, the transformation of