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Feminist critiques of countering violent extremism
Jessica Auchter

advance their agenda and drive recruitment’, 3 focusing in a contemporary context on the increased recruitment of foreign terrorist fighters by organisations such as ISIS. That is, the way CVE programmes utilise gender framings is a direct result of their reliance on a larger gendered framework that equates womanhood and peace, masculinity and threat, and tends to label women as victims of men’s agency, while men are labelled as the aggressors of violence. While the following two sections illustrate what this looks like in the context of CVE programmes, this section

in Encountering extremism
Reproducing liberal democracy
Lee Jarvis and Tim Legrand

privilege certain kinds of masculinity, thereby sending a strong symbolic message to women that politicians are men who have repertoires of behaviour that are not available to women (and some men). ( 2012 , 317) Waylen, similarly, draws on Lukes to locate ritual within institutionalist literature, emphasising the working of rules and norms in formal and informal institutions. Here she frames ritual as key to understanding ‘change, power and conflict’ as well as for making sense of actors’ behaviours in ‘legislatures as institutions’ ( 2010 , 353). Yet, one of the most

in Banning them, securing us?
Israeli security experience as an international brand
Erella Grassiani

. As mentioned above, the ISE brand blends in with the national brand of Israel. I first describe this brand further. ISE symbolises not only security and safety for its clients, but also specific values as know-how, toughness, morality, and a distinct kind of masculinity, all linked to Israel as the supposed number one in the security industry. Simultaneously, this experience, which is often gained

in Security/ Mobility
Negotiating gender identities after the Good Friday Agreement
Theresa O’Keefe

with different things so my role was supposedly in the house. I always objected [laughs]. So I do remember. Sally’s awareness of the gendered division of labour within the home is a tangible example of the ways in which many women become acutely aware of gender. Embedded in this are notions of femininity and masculinity which

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
Gendered legacies and feminist futures in the Asia-Pacific
Katrina Lee-Koo

’s) body which, in turn, requires a resurgent masculinity on behalf of the nation’s men. In regional anti-colonial projects this metaphor has been realized on women’s actual bodies. Historically, this was evident in the 1971 war of independence in Bangladesh ( D’Costa, 2005 : 227–47). More recently, East Timor’s independence ballot of 1999 was accompanied by accounts of

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Tami Amanda Jacoby

category underpinning the male–female distinction as well as the separation of male and female bodies in all the major structures of society. In this sense, gender is both a discourse and a practice. As a discourse, gender produces and reproduces what Cynthia Enloe ( 1989 ) refers to as a ‘bundle of expectations’ about socially valuable and culturally acceptable norms related to ‘masculinity’ and

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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The problématique of culture in international conflict analysis
Tarja Väyrynen

’. 7 Second, the gendered nature of reality as well as of conflict and conflict resolution practices is focused on by an increasing number of feminist writers. Their studies aim to demonstrate an interrogation of links between gender, identity and violence. The associations between men, militarism and masculinity, on the one hand, and women, peace and femininity on the other are problematised. This

in Culture and international conflict resolution
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Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism
Christine Quinan

, being transgender or gender-nonconforming is inextricably bound up in – and is triggering of – (state) mechanisms of surveillance, not dissimilar from the experience of other marginalised groups, such as people of colour, Muslim immigrants, and the poor. Bodily norms – informed by race, gender, and sexuality (i.e., whiteness, normative masculinity/femininity, and heterosexuality) – are encoded in tools of

in Security/ Mobility
Kosovo and the Balkanisation–integration nexus
Peter van Ham

. 10 Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter. On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex’ (New York, Routledge, 1993), and Robert Hanke, ‘Theorizing Masculinity: With /In the Media’, Communication Theory , vol. 8, no. 2 (May 1998). 11 Wendy Brown, ‘Finding the Man in the State

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Same city but a different place?
Madeleine Leonard

, 2006 ), which they defined as being allowed by shop staff to occupy space with minimal interference from adults. Shopping malls were also places were girls and boys ‘eyed each other’ (Catholic girl) and performed hegemonic forms of masculinity and femininity aimed at attracting the opposite sex. Girls indicated that they wore make-up and dressed up to walk up and down shopping

in Teens and territory in ‘post-conflict’ Belfast