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Deaths and politicised deaths in Buenos Aires’s refuse

The appearance of corpses in rubbish tips is not a recent phenomenon. In Argentina, tips have served not only as sites for the disposal of bodies but also as murder scenes. Many of these other bodies found in such places belong to individuals who have suffered violent deaths, which go on to become public issues, or else are ‘politicised deaths’. Focusing on two cases that have received differing degrees of social, political and media attention – Diego Duarte, a 15-year-old boy from a poor background who went waste-picking on an open dump and never came back, and Ángeles Rawson, a girl of 16 murdered in the middle-class neighbourhood of Colegiales, whose body was found in the same tip – this article deals with the social meanings of bodies that appear in landfills. In each case, there followed a series of events that placed a certain construction on the death – and, more importantly, the life – of the victim. Corpses, once recognised, become people, and through this process they are given new life. It is my contention that bodies in rubbish tips express – and configure – not only the limits of the social but also, in some cases, the limits of the human itself.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

own seat was part of the circle rather than at the ‘teacher’s desk’ in front of the room. People were trickling in one by one, hanging their winter coats on a couple of hooks next to the door. There were 14 participants, including myself. All age groups were represented, while women outnumbered men by 11 to 3. Judging by the way they carried themselves and how they were dressed, the people gathered there appeared to me as more middle-class than at the seminars on labour rights or preparing for job interviews, where people had often been sent by their employment

in Politics of waiting
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland

of northern Albania and one of the most important urban units in the Ottoman Balkans – can serve as a prime example. During my fieldwork I realised that the reconstruction of family history and genealogy was a way of reappropriating social status after the trauma of the Hoxha regime, which inter alia aimed at literally erasing urban middle-class identity. In Shkodra, which as one of the strongholds of the urban middle class was particularly targeted by the Hoxha regime, the dominant discourse of incorporation centred on urbanity. The prime ‘other’ of the urban

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Pollution, contamination and the neglected dead in post-war Saigon

: plastic wallets, helmets or sunglasses. Middle-class urbanites object to the presence of street sellers and ‘uncivilised’ (khong van minh) selling among places of repose of the dead. The poverty in neighbourhoods around the cemeteries displays itself in recognisable ways, as with itinerant hawkers waiting for the occasional client. This is a familiar scene, replicated day and night everywhere in Vietnam. But the ways in which these street vendors operate near cemeteries cause disquiet and repulsion among the nouveau-riche bourgeoisie. Graveyards are not supposed to be

in Governing the dead
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also the same normative arena, the same education and the same type of activities’ (Chalfin 2010: 44). Dominic Boyer has called for a shift in the analysis of experts ‘not solely as rational(ist) creatures of expertise but rather as desiring, Politics of waiting 88 relating, doubting, anxious, contentious, affective – in other words as human subjects’ (cited in Matza 2012: 808). Julie Hemment analyses youth programmes in Russia as ‘less a “systematic platform” than a site of chaotic productions and improvisations made by middle-ranking officials and the

in Politics of waiting

know. You can. You do’ and ‘Everything Is Happening’ (Latvija Var!, Zini. Vari. Dari, Viss Notiek). That day’s seminar was going to be led by Juris, a middle-aged psychologist who had been working for the Employment Agency since 1996. Initially he had been a full-time employee, but he now worked on a temporary contract, like all the other trainers. I found out later that Juris was also a career counsellor at the agency, a lecturer in career consulting at a university and a priest, reading 46 Politics of waiting occasional sermons at a small church. After 12

in Politics of waiting
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) note, these new self-help philanthropic organisations increasingly acquired an anti-colonial political dimension as they became associated with social reform programmes, which in turn came to be understood as non-governmental. From 1850 to 1900 a growing educated middle-class stratum and increasing nationalist consciousness led to the spread of ideas of indigenous self-help in opposition to colonial administered state development programmes. By the turn of the century, such sentiments were further stimulated through the Swadeshi movement and Gandhi’s increasingly

in An ethnography of NGO practice in India
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Death, landscape and power among the Duha Tuvinians of northern Mongolia

feudals’ (Baabar 1999: 293) and their ‘amoral’ and ‘disrespectful’ ways of treating the lower classes. The state perceived the open-air funerals as a feudal means of suppressing the masses: the 38 Benedikte Møller Kristensen feudal Lamas were granted a ‘respectful’ burial beneath the ground, whereas lay people were merely thrown away in the open as just so much rubbish (Delaplace 2008). According to Delaplace (2008) and Billé (2010) this is reflected in the state’s propaganda material, where the ‘open-air funeral was described as a lack of rites and an unregulated

in Governing the dead
Archives and collecting on the frontiers of data-driven science

commandeer-in-chief of British India and established the military and political supremacy of the East India Company in Bengal in the eighteenth century. When back in the UK, however, he used the wealth he had amassed to 120 Knowing data procure fine houses, beautiful art and stylish furnishings, as ‘“[l]ike most imperial collectors, Clive, the son of a Shropshire lawyer, was an outsider to metropolitan power structures. He was provincial, middle-class, and nouveau riche. As a collector, he set out to make up for all that’ ( Jasanoff 2005: 33). Jasanoff finds Clive of

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world

about the temporal, ethical and affective regimes that governance reconfigurations rely on. Austerity and the neoliberal reconfigurations of the welfare state need to be considered not only as the implementation of neoliberal economics or class hegemony (the Marxist argument), or neoliberal technologies of governmentality (the Foucauldian argument), but also as policies and state logics that are enabled by particular temporal regimes that are historically and culturally shaped and interact with global organising logics in historically specific ways. To understand the

in Politics of waiting