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E.A. Jones

more than a footnote to the biggest change affecting society as a whole: the growth of towns and an urban economy, and the migration of a significant proportion of the population from country to city. It is possible to overstate the case: the anchoritic life was popular across the country throughout the period, and anchorites could be found in rural parishes as well as urban centres, but, as in demographics more generally

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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and so to enter the written record. 4 The poor migrant tended only too often to stay beneath the radar [ 38 ], [ 39 ]. The narratives of poor criminals interviewed in Paris in the late fourteenth century record both seasonal migration and, in some cases, quite lengthy personal trajectories. 5 Immigrants were attracted to towns not only for commercial reasons but in order to acquire practical

in Towns in medieval England
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impact of warfare; a fifteenth-century shortage of precious metal for coinage; and a late medieval period of cooler summers and sharper winters each contributed further to the difficulties of the towns, although no single generalisation can be made about the fortunes of all. Paradoxically, the first impact of the plague stimulated an unprecedented flood of migration to the towns on the part of those who

in Towns in medieval England
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, 1985. 14 R. B. Dobson, ‘Admissions to the freedom of the city of York in the later Middle Ages’, Economic History Review , 2nd series, XXVI, 1973, pp. 1–22. 15 P. McClure, ‘Patterns of migration in the late Middle

in Towns in medieval England
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suggests pre–1066 migration to and fro between Normandy and the English Danelaw. 22 Boehm, 1969 , 623–704. A similar approach can be found in Neveux, 1994 , 51–62 (on Norman imperialism) and in Bouet, 1994 , 239–52 (on the Normans as ‘a chosen people

in The Normans in Europe
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Bernold’s chronicle that there is a consistent interest in the south German monastic reform and the related canonical reform ‘according to the Rule of St Augustine’. 40 This growing preoccupation with monastic history coincided with Bernold’s migration from St Blasien to All Saints, Schaffhausen. That migration can be dated to the latter part of the year 1091 by the evidence of the codex Sarnen

in Eleventh-century Germany

valuable information about land transactions (especially leasehold, customary and copyhold), village by-laws, agricultural arrangements, peasant migration, and economic activity. Indeed, the use of the by-law increased in many courts during the fifteenth century in an attempt to benchmark standards of behaviour and counter identified threats to local orderliness, at a time when other methods of enforcing the court

in The English manor c.1200–c.1500

’ Scandinavians indicate immigration from Denmark. Recently Fellows-Jensen has called attention to the evidence suggesting late tenth- and eleventh-century migration of people bearing Scandinavian names between Normandy and the English Danelaw. Of the eighty Scandinavian names identified by Adigard des Gautries in Norman sources, most are male and Danish, with only three names belonging to women. From this it

in The Normans in Europe

revolt at Bologna against a miscarriage of justice and their mass migration to Imola [34], internecine struggles between craftsmen [36], protests over food shortages [37, 38], the frustrations and revolts of youth kept out of government [30], heretical movements in the Alps [31, 32], popular protest against war policy and foreign diplomacy [33], associations of workers for boisterous entertainment [39

in Popular protest in late-medieval Europe
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This chapter contains a selection of translated and annotated texts on the rise of Christian dualism and its influence in the Byzantine world.

in Christian dualist heresies in the Byzantine world c. 650–c. 1450