This chapter will analyse the
external dimension of asylum and migration. The external dimension of
asylum and migration represents an increasingly important element of EU
policy activity, and is clearly embedded in one of the most interesting
and important policy areas, which a large number of scholars have been
debating (Joppke, 1998, 2001; Freeman, 1998; Guiraudon, 2000, 2001
Devigne has described the Second World War as ‘an experience of migration’ for multitudes of French people: not just during the 1940 exodus,
but repeatedly across the war, civilians moved, were moved and moved
on again.1 As people left bombed areas, a larger section of the population
v 136 v
The consequences of bombing
was drawn into the consequences of bombing: what kind of solidarity did
evacuees and refugees find in unbombed towns and villages? Bombing
could affect status in other ways too. In the wake of an air raid, a person
could become a
Netherland Geographical Studies.
Hartman, B., 2011. ‘Yishai:
Every African ‘Infiltrator’ will Return Home’.
Jerusalem Post . Available at www.jpost.com/National-News/Yishai-Every-African-infiltrator-will-return-home
(accessed 5 September 2015).
Huysmans, J., 2000. ‘The
European Union and the Securitization of Migration’, Journal of
Common Market Studies 38(5): 751
, 2003 ; Occhipinti,
2003), crucially, there is no book that addresses the entire Area of
Freedom, Security and Justice).
Furthermore, the existing literature on policies that we
might classify as components of the AFSJ discusses them in isolation
from one another. There are some excellent individual studies of asylum,
migration and police cooperation (Joppke, 1998, 2001; Freeman, 1998
This chapter investigates the
potential second step in the construction of an Area of Freedom,
Security and Justice. The first major security threat has been terrorism
as analysed in the two preceding chapters. However, more quietly, asylum
and migration has also become to be seen as a significant security
threat which has supposedly influenced the first phase of the Common
The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.
Exploring the spectrum of Irish immigrants in the wartime British health sector
history has been dominated by narratives of unskilled workers.
Granted, unskilled work was the majority experience for Irish
migrants over the last two centuries: domestic service for women,
navvying or unskilled labouring for men. Even in the immediate
post-war period Irish-born men in unskilled work outnumbered those
in professional and technical professions by three to
Public presence, discourse, and migrants as threat
Greece as a
major problem for the nation. The material I examine in this chapter
focuses mostly on the conservative and centre-left newspapers that
represent the core of the mainstream press in Greece.
The Law School crisis resonated with the general problem
of illegal migration in Greece. By representing the public presence of
migrants in the Law School of Athens as a serious problem, the press
of this, I take a step back and
reflect more broadly on the intersections, actual and potential, between
the literatures on mobilities and critical security studies.
The ‘new mobilities paradigm’ emerged across
different disciplines from sociology to geography, anthropology to
business studies, migration and tourism to urban studies. 1 Mobility may be undoubtedly
fashionable but evaluating its
Marie Beauchamps, Marijn Hoijtink, Matthias Leese, Bruno Magalhães and Sharon Weinblum
crime, global terrorism, undocumented migration and other dangerous
mobilities’ (Walters 2006 : 199) that render
movement a central political concern.
While contemporary liberal politics actively encourages and
enables mobility for the sake of our modern lifestyle and the economic
benefits that it yields, it also seeks to render the flows of such mobility
knowledgeable and controllable