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, Frederick Morgan Padelford and Ray Heffner, 11 vols (Baltimore, 1932–45), vol. x, pp. 47–8, 53. 25 Henry Horwitz, Chancery equity records, 1600–1800: A guide to documents in the Public Record Office (London: HMSO, 1995), pp. 45–71. I am grateful to Simon Healy for explaining many of the complexities of Chancery courts to me. 26 Anthony J. Sheehan, ‘Provincial grievance and national revolt: Munster in the Nine Years War’ (unpublished MA thesis, University College, Dublin, 1982), p. 16; Michael McCarthy-Morrogh, The Munster plantation: English migration to southern

in Dublin
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Writing for the stage in Restoration Dublin

the atmosphere of the city in the early 1660s; it is depicted as a kind of frontier town awash with chancers and bankrupts recently arrived from London in flight from their creditors, living on their wits and in search of an easy living in a land of opportunity, albeit one that they find disappointing and unattractive. Social fragmentation, partly caused by large-scale migration, was a feature of seventeenth-century Ireland.38 In Act I, Scene 1, well-known Dublin inns are mentioned – The Plume of Feathers on Castle Street and The London Tavern on Fishamble Street

in Dublin
Tales of origins in medieval and early modern France and England

’ arrival was a return to their fatherland, not an invasion: two successive waves of migration reunited people of one blood. Clovis and the Holy Ampulla now figured on the family tree side by side with Pharamond and the Salic law. Who, of the French and English kings, could legitimately claim to descend from Priam? Which of the two kingdoms best deserved honour for its pleasance, valiance and riches? Written

in Interweaving myths in Shakespeare and his contemporaries
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contexts of the early modern period. See The Self Made Map: Cartographic Writing in Early Modern France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. xi. See also Fabienne L. Michelet, Creation, Migration, and Conquest: Imaginary Geography and Sense of Space in Old English Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 8 and pp. 19–21 for a discussion of historical terms and vocabularies. 79 J.H. Andrews, Shapes of Ireland: Maps and their Makers 1564–1839 (Dublin: Geography Publications, 1997), p. 31.

in Edmund Spenser and the romance of space
Macbeth’s national identity in the eighteenth century

anything the ‘Gaelic Revival’ confirmed Scottophobic fears that Northerners were intent on cultural imperialism as well as economic migration. Given that the eighteenth century was notable for both Shakespeare’s cultural elevation and for outbreaks of Anglo-Scottish hostility, Macbeth ’s theatrical presentation in the period is of particular interest. Was the play’s location

in Shakespeare and Scotland
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The vocabulary of The Faerie Queene

Ram … Hath now forgot, where he was plast of yore/And shouldered hath the Bull, which fayre Europa bore’ (V.Proem.5). Aries's westward migration is another instance of the general process of cosmic change deplored in the Proem — unlike Artegall, the narrator sees no stability in ‘the heauens’. Given that Jove was the father of Taurus, these lines anticipate Mutabilitie's insurrection: sharp shoulders are essential if you want to change government. Such lexical contexts do not on their own suggest that Talus's action is to be read negatively. But they do underline

in The art of The Faerie Queene

’s home base. As Wilhelm Hortmann observes, Stein’s excursus to the outskirts of West Berlin, and to the found space of the studios, was part of a pattern of migration among theatre practitioners in Germany during the period. Stein’s main artistic rival, Peter Zadek, had made a similar move for his Hamlet , which opened just a week after Stein’s Wie es euch gefällt : having staged Der Kaufmann von

in As You Like It
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included moving accounts of the individuals’ family past, usually when that past connected with similarly emotionally loaded experience such as war or migration. The value of the object discussed, though it was seldom asserted as such, consisted in the appeal that its significance might be recognised as it stood in for familiar images of the past. The programme created an image of an immensely appealing

in Cultural value in twenty-first-century England
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Shakespeare’s brute part

visible first in the migration of the Welsh to the centre of power’, as Williams observed, and that it was Cymrophile sentiments about the ‘Worthiness’ and centrality of Wales which were those ‘echoed by Shakespeare’: From this period dates Shakespeare’s sympathetic image of the Welshman – garrulous, comic, but

in Free Will
Forms of jesting in Renaissance England

drifted away. Jokes have been considered as documents in social history 6 – and this jest certainly could be read in terms of, for example, anxieties about seventeenth-century urban migration, and the consequent pressures on social hierarchy and identity: the constable, after all, ‘demanded of him what hee was.’ Or scholars have treated jokes as sources for drama – and the names

in Formal matters