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might otherwise be blurry. Citizenship helped maintain good fences. But it could do that kind of work only on the margins – in border zones and in the context of limited migration. For the most part, nationality wasn't arbitrary. It reflected social attachment. Today, citizenship no longer serves a border-policing function. Nor could it. The lines have gotten too blurry on the ground. It is no longer clear where one citizenry leaves off and the

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship

populations than the provinces or states to which they belong because what counts for the state as internal migration is added to what the state classifies as international migration. We can thus describe multilevel polities without contradiction as simultaneously strongly sedentary and relatively mobile. In a multilevel polity, my normative proposition that sedentariness is a background context for democracy must therefore be specified as applying

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)

on Miller's account. Instead, the general duty to justify coercive migration control is enhanced by special responsibilities of states for particular migrants and by those migrants’ vulnerability. Where the responsibility and vulnerability is strong, migrants’ lives are indeed being shaped by a decision to turn them away and they are actually rather than just potentially dominated by the legal system of the country they are trying to enter

in Democratic inclusion

reduces the difficulties with respect to mutual obligations between independent states. Finally, is the claim of ASC undermined by the fact that, at least on an expanded account of what counts as subjection, it suggests that those coerced by migration laws should be part of the demos that determines those laws? (Abizadeh 2008 ). On the one hand, it can be argued that migration laws sufficiently dominate those who have good

in Democratic inclusion

challenges of citizenship and democracy in a global landscape characterized by a plurality of peoples, types of polity, multilevel governance and migration (internal and transnational). In this essay, I aim to put some pressure on the relationship between populus (i.e. the citizenry) and demos (i.e. those entitled, in one way or another, to participate in the decision-making process) in Bauböck's account. Put another way, I accept Bauböck

in Democratic inclusion