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Peter J. Spiro

might otherwise be blurry. Citizenship helped maintain good fences. But it could do that kind of work only on the margins – in border zones and in the context of limited migration. For the most part, nationality wasn't arbitrary. It reflected social attachment. Today, citizenship no longer serves a border-policing function. Nor could it. The lines have gotten too blurry on the ground. It is no longer clear where one citizenry leaves off and the

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship
Rainer Bauböck

populations than the provinces or states to which they belong because what counts for the state as internal migration is added to what the state classifies as international migration. We can thus describe multilevel polities without contradiction as simultaneously strongly sedentary and relatively mobile. In a multilevel polity, my normative proposition that sedentariness is a background context for democracy must therefore be specified as applying

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

on Miller's account. Instead, the general duty to justify coercive migration control is enhanced by special responsibilities of states for particular migrants and by those migrants’ vulnerability. Where the responsibility and vulnerability is strong, migrants’ lives are indeed being shaped by a decision to turn them away and they are actually rather than just potentially dominated by the legal system of the country they are trying to enter

in Democratic inclusion
Iseult Honohan

reduces the difficulties with respect to mutual obligations between independent states. Finally, is the claim of ASC undermined by the fact that, at least on an expanded account of what counts as subjection, it suggests that those coerced by migration laws should be part of the demos that determines those laws? (Abizadeh 2008 ). On the one hand, it can be argued that migration laws sufficiently dominate those who have good

in Democratic inclusion
David Owen

challenges of citizenship and democracy in a global landscape characterized by a plurality of peoples, types of polity, multilevel governance and migration (internal and transnational). In this essay, I aim to put some pressure on the relationship between populus (i.e. the citizenry) and demos (i.e. those entitled, in one way or another, to participate in the decision-making process) in Bauböck's account. Put another way, I accept Bauböck

in Democratic inclusion
Abstract only
Peter J. Verovšek

); S. Brakman , H. Garretsen and T. Kohl , ‘ Consequences of Brexit and Options for a “Global Britain ,”’ Papers in Regional Science , 97 : 1 ( 2018 ); T. Fetzer , ‘ Did Austerity Cause Brexit? ’ American Economic Review , 109 : 11 ( 2019 ). 6 J. Rupnik , ‘ Surging Illiberalism in the East ,’ Journal of Democracy , 27 : 4 ( 2016 ); J.-W. Müller , ‘ Homo Orbánicus ,’ New York Review of Books (5 April 2018 ); P. J. Verovšek , ‘ Memory and Forgetting in Central Europe ,’ Social Europe Journal (20 December 2018 ), www.socialeurope.eu/migration

in Memory and the future of Europe
The Eurozone crisis, Brexit, and possible disintegration
Peter J. Verovšek

(previously Front national) in France, the United Kingdom Independence Party, the Greek Golden Dawn, Fidesz in Hungary, as well as Law and Justice in Poland. While the postcommunist states of East-Central Europe have sought to push the EU into a more ‘illiberal’ direction that opposes migration and the protection of minorities in favour of an emphasis on Christian values, the populist movements in its western ‘core’ have moved in a more Gaullist direction, calling for the scaling back of supranationalism towards a model of a Europe des patries . The rise of this ‘axis of

in Memory and the future of Europe