This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
The American Red Cross in the last war of Cuban independence
Francisco Javier Martínez
seized by the US navy just days after a blockade of Cuba commenced following the declaration of war of 21 April 1898. Those vessels carried 444 seamen and 30 passengers, all of whom were taken to Key West, Florida. 10 A small number of Cuban sympathisers and American nationals among them were released, but all seamen and the rest of passengers were imprisoned on the grounds that they were ‘able-bodied young men’ who had plied ‘their vocation to enroll as members of the Spanish naval reserve’. 11 It was also argued that ‘it would be cheaper to hold and feed them than
armies, and even the Royal Navy was equal to only the next two navies
Sources of anti-Americanism
– right now all the other navies in the world combined could not dent
American maritime supremacy’.10 Kennedy actually underestimates the
extent of American military might. American defence spending is now
larger than the rest of the world’s military spending, combined.
Europe collectively cannot come close to duplicating US military
power. Although the non-US members of NATO have 1.25 million men
be harmed by an Israeli–Syrian peace agreement. Such an accord could be expected to enhance Syrian, hence also Kurdish, perhaps even Greek freedom of maneuver for anti-Turkish démarches. It is noteworthy that Turkey made public its agreements with Israel in April 1996, after publication of the existence of a Syrian–Greek military agreement. The Athens–Damascus accords permit Greek airforce planes to undertake training flights over Syrian air space and receive ground services at Syrian airfields, while likewise granting the Greek navy docking and anchorage
beginning with a brief history of the Royal Navy and its customs. The list
of unimportant things which would be discussed was ‘innocuous’ material
such as the organisation of the Admiralty, British Fleets and their bases,
especially Singapore, Fleet tactics off the West Coast of Korea, Flotilla
organisation and communications, battle strategy of Carrier forces etc.
Lankford pleaded ignorance, but the plea was not accepted. A day or two
later, Lee extended the list of requirements to Naval operational planning,
inter-service operational planning and the
-corruption interventions in Georgia’.
Neocleous, ‘Security, liberty, and the myth of balance’.
Jha and Pushpendra, ‘Governing caste and managing conflict’.
Kabamba, ‘Heart of darkness’.
Peace via social justice and/or security
49 Simoes, ‘Bridge installed to give navy base in Bahrain easy access to
50 Sengupta, ‘Pride and politics’.
Agnew, J., ‘Killing for a cause? Geographies of war and peace’, Annals of the
Association of American Geographers, 99:5 (2009), 1054–89.
Avruch, K. and C. Mitchell (eds), Conflict Resolution and Human Needs:
, the ten-
day NATO naval exercise begun on the 4th, ended without major incident. On the
14th, the US Navy’s AEGIS-class guided missile cruiser USS Vella Gulf, a type of ship
equipped with AN/SPY 1 radar that can track long-distance targets, left the Black Sea in
compliance with the Montreux Convention, which limits to 21 days the naval presence
of countries not bordering it.68 After the departure of Vella Gulf, other NATO ships
remained in the Black Sea and were there on the day of the downing of MH17; notably,
the Italian flagship frigate ITS Aviere and a
Mersin our port, Armenia and Kurdistan our neighbours, and Muscovites
our masters. We will become their slaves. Oh, is it not shameful for us! How
can the Ottomans who once ruled the world become servants to their own
shepherds, slaves, and servants?29
The young Ottoman journalist Falih Rıfkı Atay had been through the
Balkan Wars and later became a secretary to Minister of Navy Cemal
Pasha. In the aftermath of the Balkan Wars, he recorded in his diary:
When they took Belgrade from us, the enemy delegations also wanted
Niš. The Ottoman delegation stood
The changing view of Germany in Anglo-American geopolitics
1897) tried to apply Ratzel’s methods to specific American examples that would be of more interest to US audiences. This culminated in her first major book, American History and its Geographic Conditions , which applied Ratzel’s thought to the historical geography of the US. 16 Rapidly adopted as a textbook and added to every US Navy ship’s library, the book was a runaway success. 17 Yet, in terms of her longer-term influence on British American geography, and specifically the development of a Ratzel-influenced IPG, it was her even more overtly Ratzelian 1911 book
a Turkish attack, especially in respect of the islands off the Turkish mainland, and there are no early warning systems registering Turkish incursions into Greek air space. 13
The 1974 war in Cyprus encouraged Greece to rectify at least some of its military shortcomings. It established offensive units independent of NATO and expanded its navy and airforce, thus improving its ability to respond to Turkish threats and incursions. But, with 7 per cent of the national budget now devoted to defense needs, the burden on the Greek economy is heavy