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Seas, oceans and civilisations

declared bankruptcy in 1799, formal colonial rule of Dutch Asian possessions became a matter of government administration. Expansion halted. England, initially a minor naval power, also produced an oceanic state from the most extreme margin of the Eurasian land 119 Saltwater horizons 119 mass. When the British government separated the functions of the British navy from commercial interests, it removed fiscal and organisational responsibility from commercial operations, enhancing the profitability of the latter and the viability of the former. Even with modifications

in Debating civilisations

household budget, but what if they sought to meddle in military affairs? Buoyed by the increasing threat posed by Germany to Europe, militarist organisations such as the Navy League and National Service League ballooned in support during the late Edwardian period. The former’s membership grew from 20,000 in 1908 to 125,000 in 1913.66 On the eve of the First World War the NSL claimed 100,000 members and 270,000 adherents, although it would be dubious to claim that the latter group played a significant role in its activism.67 These were organisations where women were

in Conservatism for the democratic age

) Navy Minister Christopher Mayhew, however, was placed in what he considered to be an impossible position given that the Navy's resources did not match Britain's commitments as outlined by Wilson. As a result, on 22 February 1966 Mayhew resigned as Navy Minister strongly arguing that Britain was far less powerful economically and militarily than the position often implied by Wilson (Mayhew, 1987 ). It had become obvious, observed Pimlott, ‘that existing and projected levels of military resources were inadequate for the tasks they were supposed to perform’ (Pimlott

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984

not to repeat the same mistakes. The liberal foundations of globalisation 9 One of those men was Franklin Delano Roosevelt, whom Wilson had appointed assistant secretary of the navy in 1912. In February 1919, FDR happened to be on the same ship as Wilson, who was also bound for Washington, DC. Roosevelt was delighted when the president invited him and Eleanor to lunch in his cabin. Assuming the role of mentor to the younger politician, Wilson explained the importance of the League, ‘The United States must go in or it will break the heart of the world, for she

in The ascent of globalisation

into policy and military planning processes to ensure all planning was directed toward a particular outcome, an effects-driven approach. It responded to the failures of a rigid formal military apparatus that determined a division of capabilities in an environment where these were no longer seen as helpful. Former US Navy Head of Media Frank Thorp described one such problem: the United States [and the United Kingdom] has said that we want to eliminate civilian casualties on the battlefield . . . The problem though with that message is, that’s an internal message, for

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism

topics; it is ‘surprisingly rare [to find] discussion of such burning issues as tariff reform’ in Edwardian minutes.32 Yet the most vibrant and dynamic Unionist-affiliated organisations of the early twentieth century operated outside the official Conservative Party apparatus. The Tariff Reform League (TRL) and WUTRA played a vital role in widening the appeal of Unionist politics in the localities during the Edwardian period. They were only part of a wide culture of popular conservative leagues which emerged between the 1890s and 1914, including the Navy League

in Conservatism for the democratic age

the navy provides one of the most detailed analyses of popular political ritual in Edwardian Britain. Rüger stresses the role that new forms of mass media played in shaping the political culture of the time, concluding that the burgeoning film industry and popular press, rather than organised pressure groups, played the chief role in shaping mass enthusiasm for naval culture.49 Yet the same conclusions cannot be drawn in regard to the tariff reform campaign. Whilst commercial actors helped to shape the fiscal debate, their message could at times be outflanked by

in Conservatism for the democratic age

nevertheless took personal charge of the follow-up to ‘Encircle’.28 Boyle reminded his fellow Chiefs that the Air Staff had for years been urging joint planning for the British and American strategic air forces. Now, with the V-force coming on stream, coordination of the two nuclear strike plans could at last be taken forward, with an agreed concept of allied nuclear operations and an outline plan of action for conducting them.29 It was an appropriately upbeat message for the suspicious Army and Navy chiefs, but in reality the supposed concordance had already begun to

in The American bomb in Britain

along’ and described how it was down to the likes of [Paul Brook], lovely man called Captain Chris Palmer, Royal Navy, and me . . . we were it! . . . It was almost as though, we were sort of [an] area that the grown-ups didn’t really understand and we’d to go away and sort it out. (Interview: 23rd January 2013) He had Vickie Sheriff in theatre doing a similar thing to organise the tactical operation. She described how: my job particularly was to put on a menu of events for [the media], and that was hugely challenging, when there were very rarely comms . . . you

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism
Abstract only

ambition as a cause of war. ­… Now businesspeople conquer markets, not navies.’44 In an important speech delivered to the Institute of Economic Affairs in London on 16 June 1994, Sutherland acknowledged the ideological legacy the WTO owed Friedrich Hayek. The WTO’s ‘rules and disciplines reflect the view that a decentralised system of market-­determined prices is the best way of ensuring an efficient allocation of resources, … ­ [by] laying down the conditions of competition for a free enterprise system’, he told his audience.45 Sutherland was particularly proud of the

in The ascent of globalisation