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British socialists’ calls for peace on the eve of the First World War
Marcus Morris

‘big navy’, and their fears surrounding the perceived inadequacy of the nation’s defence. It is here where they are and were perceived to be clearly warmongering. A. J. A. Morris, for instance, has argued that ‘Hyndman and Blatchford demanded not only more battleships but also conscription for home defence, pitching their claims as loudly, frequently and consistently as Lord Roberts, Rudyard Kipling and other assorted extremists of the bellicose political right.’40 Yet again, though, this was not how they understood it. In defending their position, Hyndman wrote in

in Labour, British radicalism and the First World War
Open Access (free)
Seas, oceans and civilisations
Jeremy C.A. Smith

declared bankruptcy in 1799, formal colonial rule of Dutch Asian possessions became a matter of government administration. Expansion halted. England, initially a minor naval power, also produced an oceanic state from the most extreme margin of the Eurasian land 119 Saltwater horizons 119 mass. When the British government separated the functions of the British navy from commercial interests, it removed fiscal and organisational responsibility from commercial operations, enhancing the profitability of the latter and the viability of the former. Even with modifications

in Debating civilisations
David Thackeray

household budget, but what if they sought to meddle in military affairs? Buoyed by the increasing threat posed by Germany to Europe, militarist organisations such as the Navy League and National Service League ballooned in support during the late Edwardian period. The former’s membership grew from 20,000 in 1908 to 125,000 in 1913.66 On the eve of the First World War the NSL claimed 100,000 members and 270,000 adherents, although it would be dubious to claim that the latter group played a significant role in its activism.67 These were organisations where women were

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Robert Lister Nicholls

) Navy Minister Christopher Mayhew, however, was placed in what he considered to be an impossible position given that the Navy's resources did not match Britain's commitments as outlined by Wilson. As a result, on 22 February 1966 Mayhew resigned as Navy Minister strongly arguing that Britain was far less powerful economically and militarily than the position often implied by Wilson (Mayhew, 1987 ). It had become obvious, observed Pimlott, ‘that existing and projected levels of military resources were inadequate for the tasks they were supposed to perform’ (Pimlott

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Harry Blutstein

not to repeat the same mistakes. The liberal foundations of globalisation 9 One of those men was Franklin Delano Roosevelt, whom Wilson had appointed assistant secretary of the navy in 1912. In February 1919, FDR happened to be on the same ship as Wilson, who was also bound for Washington, DC. Roosevelt was delighted when the president invited him and Eleanor to lunch in his cabin. Assuming the role of mentor to the younger politician, Wilson explained the importance of the League, ‘The United States must go in or it will break the heart of the world, for she

in The ascent of globalisation
Emma Louise Briant

into policy and military planning processes to ensure all planning was directed toward a particular outcome, an effects-driven approach. It responded to the failures of a rigid formal military apparatus that determined a division of capabilities in an environment where these were no longer seen as helpful. Former US Navy Head of Media Frank Thorp described one such problem: the United States [and the United Kingdom] has said that we want to eliminate civilian casualties on the battlefield . . . The problem though with that message is, that’s an internal message, for

in Propaganda and counter-terrorism
David Thackeray

topics; it is ‘surprisingly rare [to find] discussion of such burning issues as tariff reform’ in Edwardian minutes.32 Yet the most vibrant and dynamic Unionist-affiliated organisations of the early twentieth century operated outside the official Conservative Party apparatus. The Tariff Reform League (TRL) and WUTRA played a vital role in widening the appeal of Unionist politics in the localities during the Edwardian period. They were only part of a wide culture of popular conservative leagues which emerged between the 1890s and 1914, including the Navy League

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Abstract only
‘whole buildings have disappeared’
Anna Killick

‘we could make you redundant’. And I said, ‘yes please!’ [laughs]. It used to be a laugh, because when I saw any of my friends they used to say, ‘please don’t come work for us!’ because not only was I made redundant, but whole buildings have disappeared. Beverly was born in Hill district. At the point when she was born her mother was working as an usherette, later a cleaner, and her father was a bus driver, later working in the Merchant Navy. They inherited her grandmother’s council house on the older estate next to where she now lives, and she describes

in Rigged
David Thackeray

the navy provides one of the most detailed analyses of popular political ritual in Edwardian Britain. Rüger stresses the role that new forms of mass media played in shaping the political culture of the time, concluding that the burgeoning film industry and popular press, rather than organised pressure groups, played the chief role in shaping mass enthusiasm for naval culture.49 Yet the same conclusions cannot be drawn in regard to the tariff reform campaign. Whilst commercial actors helped to shape the fiscal debate, their message could at times be outflanked by

in Conservatism for the democratic age
Michael Breen, Michael Courtney, Iain Mcmenamin, Eoin O’Malley and Kevin Rafter

1973 1969 0 Proportion of paragraphs 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 Party leaders and personalisation of politics Labour Figure 6.5  Likelihood of coverage of each party leader focusing on non-political factors, Irish Times and Irish Independent 1969–2016 John Bruton opted for a darker shade of navy double-breasted with an interesting but almost invisible red stripe running through the fabric but the Fine Gael leader came into his own with his choice of tie which was pink with navy stripes. (Lord, 1992b) On TV3 he was wearing a flash Armani type number such as you

in Resilient reporting