Geopolitics and capitalist development in the Asia-Pacific
decidedly different from their counterparts in ‘the
West’. 1 At the very least, such structural and discursive
variations serve as powerful reminders that, even in an age
characterized by global processes and ever greater degrees of
economic and political integration, significant differences remain
– differences that often have an enduring regional
WHILE PARANOID politics has
received significant attention as a characteristic of American
popular culture, only a handful of scholars have examined its
international political dimensions. This gap is particularly notable
since the paranoid psychology of enemy leaders and the conspiracy
mindedness of regional cultures are regular subjects of foreign
granted that the world is a secure place for First World [i.e.
developed] states and their citizens’, while the same is not true
for developing world countries ( Job, 1992 : 11).
This chapter’s purpose is to broaden the definition
of security by including regimes and societies as essential referent
objects of security. Demands for social, economic and political rights
across the Middle East have threatened
were optimally designed, it will still produce many
errors. Decisionmakers might be better off if they understood the
limitations of intelligence but this would place them under intolerable
psychological and political pressures. Similarly, decisionmakers would
be better off if they could design their actions with the knowledge that
the information and inferences on which they are operating may be
I N THE
MIDDLE East, security is strongly influenced by
politicized forms of fundamental belief systems. This chapter examines
the dual role of political Islam, with specific focus on Palestine and
the case of Hamas , the Islamic Resistance Movement, in the West
Bank and Gaza. In this context, political Islam represents a general
rejection of the Arab
This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
This book is about the public language of the 'war on terrorism' and the way in which language has been deployed to justify and normalise a global campaign of counter-terrorism. It explains how the war on terrorism has been reproduced and amplified by key social actors and how it has become the dominant political narrative in America today, enjoying widespread bipartisan and popular support. The book also explains why the language of politics is so important and the main methodological approach for analysing the language of counter-terrorism, namely, critical discourse analysis. Then, it provides the comparison drawn between the September 11, 2001 attacks and World War II and the attack on Pearl Harbor. One of the most noticeable aspects of the language surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 is its constant reference to tragedy, grievance and the exceptional suffering of the American people. The book focuses on the way in which language was deployed to construct the main identities of the protagonists. It demonstrates how terrorism is rhetorically constructed as posing a catastrophic threat to the American 'way of life', to freedom, liberty and democracy and even to civilisation itself. The book analyses how the administration's counter-terrorism campaign has been rhetorically constructed as an essentially 'good' and 'just war', similar to America's role in World War II. Finally, the book concludes that responsible citizens have a moral duty to oppose and resist the official language of counter-terrorism.
Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy examines the relationship between secrecy, power and interpretation around international political controversy, where foreign policy orthodoxy comes up hard against alternative interpretations. It does so in the context of American foreign policy during the War on Terror, a conflict that was quintessentially covert and conspiratorial. This book adds a new dimension to the debate by examining what I coin the ‘Arab-Muslim paranoia narrative’: the view that Arab-Muslim resentment towards America was motivated to some degree by a paranoid perception of American power in the Middle East. Immediately after 9/11, prominent commentators pointed to an Arab-Muslim culture of blame and a related tendency towards conspiracy theories about America’s regional influence as an important cultural driver of anti-Americanism. This narrative subsequently made its way into numerous US Government policy documents and initiatives advancing a War of Ideas strategy aimed at winning the ‘hearts and minds’ of Arab-Muslims. The book provides a novel reading of the processes through which legitimacy and illegitimacy is produced in foreign policy discourses. It will also appeal to a wider cross-disciplinary audience interested in the burgeoning issues of conspiracy, paranoia, and popular knowledge, including their relationship to and consequences for contemporary politics.
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
hostile to the West and the Arab–Israeli peace process.
It is true that when existing threats, violence and
instability are related to Islamic movements there is a need for
security studies to inquire into this issue. In redefining security in
the Middle East after the end of the Cold War while also focusing on the
peace process, we cannot escape looking at the events in which political
When some men suffer unjustly … it is
the fate of those who witness their suffering to suffer the
shame of it. (J.M. Coetzee, Waiting for the
ON THIS BOOK asa study into the causes of political violence