Wyclif’s political theory was defined by a basic concept, a theory of lordship ( dominio ) that began in God’s perfect governance of the created world and ended in his creatures’ just lordship over each other. This relationship between the divine and the human is introduced in On Divine Lordship ( 34ii ), Wyclif’s first extended treatment of this topic, and he provides an extended analysis of lordship in the created world in its massive sequel, On Civil Lordship ( 35 ). He suggests there that civil lordship (such as that enjoyed by a
John Wyclif (d. 1384) was among the leading schoolmen of fourteenth-century Europe. He was an outspoken controversialist and critic of the church, and, in his last days at Oxford, the author of the greatest heresy that England had known. This volume offers translations of a representative selection of his Latin writings on theology, the church and the Christian life. It offers a comprehensive view of the life of this charismatic but irascible medieval theologian, and of the development of the most prominent dissenting mind in pre-Reformation England. This collection will be of interest to undergraduate and graduate students of medieval history, historical theology and religious heresy, as well as scholars in the field.
young wives. She continued to inform herself on global matters. Her correspondence revealed her delight at visits to London to hear political activist and social scientist Susan George talk about How the Other Half Dies: The Real Reasons for World Hunger (1976) and hearing Jesuit J. Luis Alegre who worked with peasant groups in Bolivia on rural development. 5
These activities, in Rendall’s words, ‘inevitably introduced questions into the fabric of religious life’. 6 After forty years as an Ursuline she decided to leave the congregation; it was a decision that was
devotional items including the rosary beads so beloved by Dublin’s
mothers in the 1940s and 1950s.
Notably, lay Irish women played important yet understudied roles
in the Church from 1850 to 1950. Women dominated daily lived
religion and challenged the established patriarchy through their traditional socially constructed gender roles: church-goers, managers of the
holy household, moral-imparting mothers, consumers and creators of
devotional culture, correspondents, gossipers, philanthropists and
activists, and community members. Amidst enormous political
Wyclif’s political theory was defined by a basic concept, a theory of lordship (dominio) that began in God’s perfect governance of the created world and ended in his creatures’ just lordship over each other. This relationship between the divine and the human is introduced in On Divine Lordship, Wyclif’s first extended treatment of this topic, and he provides an extended analysis of lordship in the created world in its massive sequel, On Civil Lordship. He suggests there that civil lordship (such as that enjoyed by a monarch) presupposes natural lordship, which could exist only in a lord who was in receipt of God’s grace. The gift of grace, of course, was something of which its recipient could hardly be aware, but the likelihood of grace being bestowed upon a corrupt or unrighteous individual seemed less than negligible, which meant for Wyclif that neither popes nor ecclesiastics could wield authority with any certitude. Wyclif believed that the sinful nature of papal endowments effectively rendered the papacy ineligible to receive God’s grace, an idea that became prominent in his later writings.
7 Over time, Rome became more tolerant of simple-vowed women religious, and
in Quamvis justo (1749) congregations were given legitimate and juridical
authority although their members were not considered ‘true nuns’.
8 Catherine C. Darcy RSM, The Institute of the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas:
The Canonical Development of the Proposed Governance Model (Lanham:
University Press of America, 1993), p. 23.
9 Nicholas Atkin, The Politics of Legality: The Religious Orders in France, 1901–
45’, in Frank Tallett and Nicholas Atkin, eds, Religion, Society and
– books and
periodicals – to read. And by this time, Catholicism had become solidified as the central focus of girls’ lives and education. As part of their
religious education, Irish girls absorbed the vast prescriptive literature
of the era.
The conduct literature of Catholic commentators in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, however, did not represent a
simple or uniform patriarchy. The messages involved were complex,
reflecting anxieties about lay women’s real-world roles. Whereas
Church leaders, public political figures, and much of Ireland’s print
that many of the suffrage campaigners of the early twentieth century were women whose religious faith was integral to their identities, and who used religious language and ideas to legitimate the political suffrage of women. 5 Recent revisionist scholarship reconsiders twentieth-century religious and conservative groups to analyse their relationship with emancipation and women’s movements. 6 Caitríona Beaumont’s work involving six such groups examines their efforts at securing social and economic rights for working women after they received the vote in 1928, using
religious, they acknowledged women’s waged work was important while still promoting the ‘greatest work’ of motherhood. 52 Though women’s suffrage was achieved in 1928, rectifying social, economic and political inequalities remained on the agenda of both feminist and non-feminist organisations. Women’s groups were actively involved in efforts to improve equitable access to state pensions, health care, family allowances, improved housing and maternity services. Conservative organisations, both religious and secular, also played a role in enhancing women’s lives even
-up mass protests, local, national and international, emerging out of student and worker movements, anti-nuclear and anti-war demonstrations and the civil, women’s and gay rights rallies that took place from the late 1950s into the 1970s. 5 Protests gave voice to many who felt unrepresented in social and political spheres. 6 One scholar has suggested that the Cold War emphasis on freedom and democracy ‘led [the] young to expect democratic institutions to live up to their democratic rhetoric’. 7 Many uprisings reflected a frustration and discontent, built up over time