Small states are survival artists. Understanding the story of small state survival requires a clear focus on the international states system. This book finds that different variations of the Westphalian states system had very different effects on small state survival. The most hostile environment for the small state was the late nineteenth-century concert system; the most supportive environment was the bipolar world of the later twentieth century. The book investigates the era of the classic balance of power which began after the end of the Thirty Years' War in 1648 and ended during the French Revolutionary Wars and the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte. Surprisingly, the crude balance-of-power system of the eighteenth century proved fairly accommodating of small state survival. Looking to the future, a modest rise in the number of small states can be predicted. The book views international relations since at least the mid seventeenth century to be driven by concerns over state power. Consequently, it deals with power, weakness, and power politics. To do so properly, a theoretical framework was needed that puts power and power balancing front and center. Power and power politics are important concepts in the academic discipline of International Relations theory, and particularly in Realist thinking.
Recognition and Global Politics examines the potential and limitations of the discourse of recognition as a strategy for reframing justice and injustice within contemporary world affairs. Drawing on resources from social and political theory and international relations theory, as well as feminist theory, postcolonial studies and social psychology, this ambitious collection explores a range of political struggles, social movements and sites of opposition that have shaped certain practices and informed contentious debates in the language of recognition.
A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this
book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates,
organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format.
The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of
significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945,
a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral
data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended
to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European
, the liberal
parties emerged as the largest ‘political family’ for the first
time since 1883. For the first time since the 1920s, the christian and
socialist families no longer held a combined majority in Parliament. The
Green family gained ground while the far right family’s standing was
eroded overall. New parties demanding a complete overhaul of the political
system failed to gain a seat in the federal Parliament
The classic balance of power, 1648–1814
Power politics and small state survival:
the classic balance of power, 1648–1814
Elle [la politique] maintient l’Europe indépendante et libre.
[Frederic the Great]1
How safe was the largely unbridled balance of power of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries for the small state? This chapter will show that
the balance-of-power system was in fact rather accommodating and
allowed small states to survive in historically large numbers. Moreover,
small state death was measured and gradual only. In short, the loose and
9 Paternalistic Care and
Transformative Recognition in International Politics
In this chapter, I address what
Uma Narayan described in 1995 as ‘the self-serving collaboration
between elements of colonial rights discourse and care discourse’
( 1995 : 133). Narayan argues that, in
This book is a story about the importance of stories in International Relations. It brings insights from Literary Studies and Narratology into IR and political science by developing a new discourse analytical method of narrative analysis. Focusing on the three narrative elements of setting, characterization and emplotment, the book argues that narratives are of fundamental importance for human cognition and identity construction. Narratives help us understand the social and political world in which we live. The book emphasizes the idea of intertextual narratability which holds that for narratives to become dominant they have to link themselves to previously existing stories. Empirically the book looks at narratives about pirates, rebels and private military and security companies (PMSCs). The book illustrates in the case of pirates and rebels that the romantic images embedded in cultural narratives influence our understanding of modern piracy in places like Somalia or rebels in Libya. Dominant romantic narratives marginalize other, less flattering, stories about these actors, in which they are constituted as terrorists and made responsible for human rights violations. In contrast, in the case of PMSCs in Iraq the absence of such romantic cultural narratives makes it difficult for such actors to successfully narrate themselves as romantic heroes to the public.
This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
This book offers a new and critical perspective on the global reconciliation technology by highlighting its contingent and highly political character as an authoritative practice of post-conflict peacebuilding. After retracing the emergence of the reconciliation discourse from South Africa to the global level, the book demonstrates how implementing reconciliation in post-conflict societies is a highly political practice which entails potentially undesirable consequences for the post-conflict societies to which it is deployed. Inquiring into the example of Sierra Leone, the book shows how the reconciliation discourse brings about the marginalization and neutralization of political claims and identities of local populations by producing these societies as being composed of the ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ of past human rights violations which are first and foremost in need of reconciliation and healing.
The politics of emotionality
This chapter seeks to offer a preliminary discussion of the recent turn to
emotions in world politics. The first part of the chapter turns to the politics
of emotionality, so as to shed light on how events helped to shape the descent
to war in Kosovo and Chechnya. This is important because arguments put
forward in theoretical circles, even by those deemed to be critical, often suggest that emotions and international politics pull in different directions. In
order to demonstrate a different argument – that politics and emotions are