The Wesleyan missionaries eyed the world beyond their mission stations with profound suspicion, and neither colonialists nor Burmans knew quite what to make of the Wesleyans. Stephen Neill suggested that whatever their intentions, missionaries were ‘tools of governments’, and a young missionary in Kyaukse suspected that most Burmans assumed they were ‘part of the British Government’. 1 Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. Conversion from one religion to another was highly political and
Cartoon analysis is the study of a non-elite communication. Ilan Danjoux examined over 1200 Israeli and Palestinian editorial cartoons to explore whether changes in their content anticipated the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in October of 2000. Political Cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict provide readers an engaging introduction to cartoon analysis and a novel insight into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Conflict researchers benefit from paying attention to popular fears because they influence the policies of career-minded politicians and autocratic leaders seeking to placate domestic dissent. The book begins by outlining the rationale for this research project, while explaining the choice of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study. It identifies the challenges of cartoon research and outlines the methodological approaches available to researchers. After laying the framework for this study, the book details the collapse of the Israel-Palestinian Peace Process into full-scale violence by October 2000. A description of Israeli and Palestinian media production follows. The book demonstrates the cartoon's ability to chronicle changes in conflict. Not only did both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons change their focus with the outbreak of violence, the mood of cartoons also shifted. It also shows that Israeli and Palestinian cartoons also changed the way that each portrayed the other. Changes in both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons corresponded with, but did not precede, the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada.
Methodist missionaries in colonial and postcolonial Upper Burma, 1887–1966
Michael D. Leigh
The first British Methodist missionaries came to Upper Burma in 1887 and the last left in 1966. They were known as 'Wesleyans' before 1932 and afterwards as 'Methodists'. This book is a study of the ambitions, activities and achievements of Methodist missionaries in northern Burma from 1887-1966 and the expulsion of the last missionaries by Ne Win. Henry Venn, the impeccably evangelical Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), was the most distinguished and inspiring of nineteenth-century mission administrators. Wesleyan missionaries often found property development more congenial than saving souls. In Pakokku in December 1905, a 'weak' American missionary from Myingyan and a couple of Baptist Burman government officials began 'totally immersing' Wesleyans. Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. The Wesley high schools were extraordinarily successful during the early years of the twentieth century. The Colonial Government was investing heavily in education. A bamboo curtain descended on Upper Burma in May 1942. Wesley Church Mandalay was gutted during the bombing raids of April 1942 and the Japanese requisitioned the Mission House and the Girls High School soon afterwards. General Ne Win was ruthlessly radical in 1962. By April 1964 Bishop was the last 'front-line' Methodist missionary in Upper Burma and the last European of any sort in Monywa. The book pulls together the themes of conflict, politics and proselytisation in to a fascinating study of great breadth.
Michael D. Leigh
demolished the tower and now it would cost Rs 20,000 to repair it again. 15 The final straw was the request for Rs 16,000 to repair Monywa School. The MMS Eastern Committee asked why it should ‘spend this, build tomorrow and have it knocked down the day after’. Rev. Donald Childe (the new Mission Secretary) warned that in future a ‘political-condition test’ would be applied to any building-grant application from Upper Burma. 16 Reed was not amused. He blamed newspaper articles for misrepresenting conditions in Burma, and
Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister
Political parties reflect the societies within which they operate. Competition between parties – in pursuit of resources, power and, occasionally, prestige – is very much based on the competition that occurs between the different social groups that exist within a society. In the new European democracies of the 1920s, the contemporary party systems that emerged were
3 Anti-political (post)modernity A necessity … is precisely what politics is not. In fact, it begins where the realm of material necessity and physical brute force end. Hannah Arendt , The Promise of Politics (2005: 119) The previous two chapters have considered Arendt's work as contributing to a biopolitical lens with which we
This chapter examines the challenges facing women who want to participate in politics in Northern Ireland and touches upon the relationship between women inside and outside politics. Women constantly run up against socially conservative attitudes and face residual and overt misogyny and resistance to specific measures for change, including at times
Peter Shirlow, Jonathan Tonge, James McAuley and Catherine McGlynn
that shaped the views of combatants; whether ‘combatants’ engaged in ‘military’ activity primarily because of strongly held personal beliefs, deeply held ideological perspectives, or some combination of both. It also outlines how particular beliefs and actions have been framed by specific cultural, social and political interpretations. We focus on several key phases: the reasons for becoming involved
Elizabeth Meehan and Fiona Mackay
Peter Mair’s ‘popular component’ in constitutional democracy (see chapter 1 ) had a high profile in pre- and post-devolution politics in the UK. Though the Northern Ireland context of devolution was unique and ‘new politics’ not in its lexicon, elements of the values behind reform in Scotland and Wales were present there. ‘New politics’ was most fully
environmental level, conducive to such radicalisation. Yet, as an abstract, diagrammatic reading of this power will make clear, the function of power produced and mobilised in Prevent goes beyond these bounds. Rather, it will be argued, it constitutes a novel approach to managing threats. It represents the production of a newly realised social space, that of individuals who may become violent, and is a problematic capable of encompassing all who may engage in political violence. This chapter then analyses the political consequences of