The Wesleyan missionaries eyed the world beyond their
mission stations with profound suspicion, and neither colonialists nor Burmans knew quite
what to make of the Wesleyans. Stephen Neill suggested that whatever their intentions,
missionaries were ‘tools of governments’, and a young missionary in Kyaukse
suspected that most Burmans assumed they were ‘part of the British Government’. 1
Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. Conversion from
one religion to another was highly political and
The operation of the British model of imperialism was never consistent, seldom coherent, and far from comprehensive. Purity campaigns, controversies about the age of consent, the regulation of prostitution and passage and repeal of contagious diseases laws, as well as a new legislative awareness of homosexuality, were all part of the sexual currency of the late Victorian age. Colonial governments, institutions and companies recognised that in many ways the effective operation of the Empire depended upon sexual arrangements. They devised elaborate systems of sexual governance, but also devoted disproportionate energy to marking and policing the sexual margins. This book not only investigates controversies surrounding prostitution, homosexuality and the age of consent in the British Empire, but also revolutionises people's notions about the importance of sex as a nexus of imperial power relations. The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. In 1885, the South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct. Richard Francis Burton's case against the moral universalism and sex between men are discussed. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power.
Explanations of working-class politics in Australia and Britain have traditionally been heavily rooted in domestic 'bread and butter', socio-economic factors, including the much-debated issue of social class. 'Traditional' and 'revisionist' accounts have greatly advanced our knowledge and understanding of labour movements in general and labour politics in particular. This book offers a pathbreaking comparative and trans-national study of the neglected influences of nation, empire and race. The study is about the development and electoral fortunes of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) from their formative years of the 1900s to the elections of 2010. Based upon extensive primary and secondary source-based research in Britain and Australia over several years, the book makes a new and original contribution to the fields of labour, imperial and 'British world' history. It offers the challenging conclusion that the forces of nation, empire and race exerted much greater influence upon Labour politics in both countries than suggested by 'traditionalists' and 'revisionists' alike. Labour sought a more democratic, open and just society, but, unlike the ALP, it was not a serious contender for political and social power. In both countries, the importance attached to the politics of loyalism is partly related to questions of place and space. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. The book also presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.
matched by South Australia the same year and echoed soon after in other parts
of the Empire, including India, where it increased from 10 to 12 in 1891. And if, as
Antoinette Burton puts it, ‘1885 was clearly the annus mirabilis of sexual
politics in locations beyond London’, 1 this seems to have been more than coincidence. Evidence that English
developments were originary, their colonial counterparts derivative, is apparently plentiful.
The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something
Like people and schools of criticism, ideas and theories
travel – from person to person, from situation to situation, from one period to
English purity campaigners saw their own country as a
net exporter of the ideas, laws and movements that drove sexuality politics around the world.
Josephine Butler claimed that ‘England has been sending forth to all these parts of the
world two streams, one pure and the other foul’. 2 She echoed the words of Ottobah Cugoano
The first British Methodist missionaries came to Upper Burma in 1887 and the last left in 1966. They were known as 'Wesleyans' before 1932 and afterwards as 'Methodists'. This book is a study of the ambitions, activities and achievements of Methodist missionaries in northern Burma from 1887-1966 and the expulsion of the last missionaries by Ne Win. Henry Venn, the impeccably evangelical Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), was the most distinguished and inspiring of nineteenth-century mission administrators. Wesleyan missionaries often found property development more congenial than saving souls. In Pakokku in December 1905, a 'weak' American missionary from Myingyan and a couple of Baptist Burman government officials began 'totally immersing' Wesleyans. Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. The Wesley high schools were extraordinarily successful during the early years of the twentieth century. The Colonial Government was investing heavily in education. A bamboo curtain descended on Upper Burma in May 1942. Wesley Church Mandalay was gutted during the bombing raids of April 1942 and the Japanese requisitioned the Mission House and the Girls High School soon afterwards. General Ne Win was ruthlessly radical in 1962. By April 1964 Bishop was the last 'front-line' Methodist missionary in Upper Burma and the last European of any sort in Monywa. The book pulls together the themes of conflict, politics and proselytisation in to a fascinating study of great breadth.
resort of the Nationalists, the Coalition and
the UAP in Australia to open physical confrontation with the forces
of the labour movement, meant that in Britain the BLP was more
restrained and moderate in its critique of its political opponents than was the ALP .
Attachment to popular constitutionalism and the associated virtue of
gradualism did, however, lead both the ALP and the BLP strongly to dissociate themselves from and to condemn the
revolutionary, ‘divisive’, ‘foreign’ and ‘dictatorial’
demolished the tower and now it would cost Rs 20,000 to repair it
again. 15 The final straw was the
request for Rs 16,000 to repair Monywa School. The MMS Eastern Committee asked why it should
‘spend this, build tomorrow and have it knocked down the day after’. Rev. Donald
Childe (the new Mission Secretary) warned that in future a ‘political-condition
test’ would be applied to any building-grant application from Upper Burma. 16
Reed was not amused. He blamed newspaper articles for misrepresenting
conditions in Burma, and
alternative and additional
source of information-gathering and processing, dedicated to the pursuit
of political and security intelligence, once the domain of the CID.
Intelligence needed to be capable of assisting a colony in its
‘vital “cold war” battleground’. 2 The concept of
‘political policing’ took on a more important role as
colonial governments attempted to maintain control throughout the end
From 1842 onwards, a number of
Orange Order Lodges were established throughout New Zealand, with the
Grand Lodge for New Zealand only constituted in 1867 (Figure 10). A
religious and political secret society found throughout the Irish
diaspora, the Orange Order ‘was about more than violence and
marching; it was also a centre of sociability and camaraderie’. 1 Membership of the