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The authors investigate the timing of insurgents’ use of terrorism within the context of wider-scale warfare. Unlike the great wars found in modern history, the dominant form of warfare in recent years has become internal. The main actors are non-state groups seeking to replace an existing political order through violent means. Terrorism, especially indiscriminate attacks on unarmed civilians, has been an important component of these groups’ tactical repertoires. The purpose of this study is to explore variations in the timing of insurgents’ use of terrorism within the context of war. The authors draw on the largely separate literatures on terrorism and warfare as well as complementary sources of data on terrorist events, insurgent groups, and various forms of armed conflict. The product of this analysis is a mapping of the frequencies of terrorist attacks over time and the identification of these attacks as occurring during the beginning, middle, or ending stages of wider-scale warfare. This is followed by in-depth discussions of the insurgent groups whose use of terrorism matches each of these patterns as well as the contexts within which these groups operate. Readers of this book will include students, scholars, policy-makers, members of the military, and the general public.

Insurgents’ use of terrorism at the initial stages of conflict

-scale armed fighting, or insurgency in the sense often associated with the term. We begin by identifying and offering a discussion of the terrorist campaigns that represented a “dead end.” Terrorism as a “dead end” Terrorism is not always an indicator of wider-scale warfare to come. We explore two categories of cases in which terrorism does not lead to insurgency. The first category includes those cases in which terrorists are just T E R R O R I S M A S A L E A D I N G ­I N D I C A T O R 101 terrorists. They are not seeking the type of political change or the level

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
Abstract only

sea, or at least from a distance, with the aid of satellites, long-range missiles and other sophisticated technologies, the armed non-state actors fighting in the present century’s armed conflicts do so primarily on the ground and at close range. Another feature of warfare in the twenty-first century – the global battle being waged against perpetrators of terrorism – was not part of earlier warfare. The “global war on terrorism” began with the aim of eliminating the threat posed by transnational terrorists, al Qaeda in particular. As the “war” progressed, political

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare

: the prevalence of religiously motivated militants seeking to achieve religious objectives. These are not the ethnic conflicts of the relatively recent past – including the 1990s – in which groups distinguishing themselves on the basis of religion sought political control over a territory they called “home,” along with something approaching an ethnically pure society. Instead, the religious militants of the twenty-first century seek to create a new political system. This political system will impose a set of religious beliefs held by a minority group over a multi

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare

4 Terrorism as a tactic of wider-scale warfare In this chapter our focus is on insurgent groups that have used terrorism throughout their struggles to replace political regimes or in an effort to secede from a political community. First, though, we need to place this pattern of insurgency in context. Some of the old generalizations about terrorism no longer match contemporary realities. The notion that “terrorism is a weapon of the weak” no longer applies to many twenty-first century insurgencies. In addition, the belief that terrorists are interested in the

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
The weapon of the weakest?

WARS 197 Irish Republican Army exemplify this trend. Two examples include the ­appearances of the militant Real IRA and Continuity IRA factions during the period in which the political wing of the Provisional IRA seemed to be gaining influence. Another example occurred a generation earlier with the formation of the Provisional IRA in 1969 and its split from the Official IRA. Within a few years, the Official IRA declared an end to its use of violence. The factions are not necessarily weaker or stronger than their counterparts (the PIRA was the stronger faction; the

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare
Data and measurement

mind a politically motivated tactic involving the threat or use of violence in which the pursuit of publicity plays a prominent role. These attacks are not executed as part of an overt military campaign. The targets of these threats and acts of violence are typically noncombatants or civilians.1 Terrorism is a tactic used by violent groups to garner particular types of attention from a stronger opponent or opponents (typically a state) and from target populations, including those in which the groups seek to instill fear as well as those whose support they hope to

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare

viable alternatives. Those that can confront a state or its armed forces, even as guerrillas operating in the shadows, will do so. Those that cannot will continue to aim attacks at the oftest” targets, hoping in the meantime to use their target audience as an intermediary to influence the state. If the goal were only to draw attention, using terrorism would be sufficient. For insurgents, however, the goal is to change the political system, acquire territory, or something of the sort. Gaining attention – even sympathy – is unlikely to be enough to produce these outcomes

in The role of terrorism in twenty-first-century warfare

This collection interrogates the representation of humanitarian crisis and catastrophe, and the refraction of humanitarian intervention and action, from the mid-twentieth century to the present, across a diverse range of media forms: traditional and contemporary screen media (film, television and online video) as well as newspapers, memoirs, music festivals and social media platforms (such as Facebook, YouTube and Flickr). The book thus explores the historical, cultural and political contexts that have shaped the mediation of humanitarian relationships since the middle of the twentieth century. Together, the chapters illustrate the continuities and connections, as well as the differences, which have characterised the mediatisation of both states of emergency and acts of amelioration. The authors reveal and explore the significant synergies between the humanitarian enterprise, the endeavour to alleviate the suffering of particular groups, and media representations, and their modes of addressing and appealing to specific publics. The chapters consider the ways in which media texts, technologies and practices reflect and shape the shifting moral, political, ethical, rhetorical, ideological and material dimensions of international humanitarian emergency and intervention, and have become integral to the changing relationships between organisations, institutions, governments, individual actors and entire sectors.

The case of Romania

The post-communist transition in Romania has been a period rife with high hopes and expectations as well as strong disappointments and disillusions. The engagement with these disappointments or disillusions has mainly fallen along the lines of critical editorial comments by dissidents and intellectuals or academic engagements that connect it to different forms of social and political apathy. What seems to be lacking however, is a more head-on engagement with disillusionment as a self-contained process that is not just a side-effect of political corruption or economic failures but rather an intrinsic part of any transition. This book provides the basis for a theory of disillusionment in instances of transition. It also elaborates on how such a theory could be applied to a specific case-study, in this instance, the Romanian transition from communism to capitalism. By defining disillusionment as the loss of particularly strong collective illusions, the book identifies what those illusions were in the context of the Romanian 1989 Revolution. It also seeks to understand the extent to which disillusionment is intrinsic to social change, and more importantly, determine whether it plays an essential role in shaping both the direction and the form of change. The book further inevitably places itself at the intersection of a number of different academic literatures: from regional and comparative studies, political science and "transitology" studies, to sociology, psychology and cultural studies.