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Abstract only
Jeffrey Richards

). But he wrecks the broadcasting studio and escapes. He then concocts and carries out a plan to kidnap Tokyo Rose and thus terminate her broadcasts. Radio and politics became inextricably mixed in the United States in the 1930s. Franklin Delano Roosevelt became par excellence the ‘radio president’ making over 300 radio addresses between 1933 and 1945. His addresses became popularly known as ‘fireside chats’ and created that vital ‘illusion of intimacy’; they were

in Cinema and radio in Britain and America, 1920–60

The importance of films in the cultural and social life of both Britain and the United States has long been recognized. Although radio survived in Britain more or less intact, by 1960 it too had taken second place to television as the prime domestic medium. This book begins by analysing the very different relationships between cinema and radio that emerged in Britain and the United States. It moves on to examine the ways in which cinema adapted radio programmes in the fields of comedy and detective fiction and then how radio dramatized films. When radio first took off in the United States in the late 1920s, it was regarded by the film industry as a rival, something to keep people at home and away from the cinema. But during the 1930s, Hollywood began to appreciate the value of radio in publicizing and promoting its films. The British broadcasting service was set up in 1922 with a monopoly and finance from a licence fee following negotiations between the Post Office, which controlled the air waves, and the radio industry, which manufactured the equipment. Radio in wartime was informational and inspirational. It provided news, entertainment, and propaganda. The book concludes with a look in detail at the ways in which the two media have dealt with three popular fictional characters, the Scarlet Pimpernel, Tarzan and Sherlock Holmes.

The BBC and national identity in Scotland
Thomas Hajkowski

a powerful sense of “Scottishness” through its organizational structure, policy, and programs. Technical and financial considerations may have, in part, driven the regional scheme, but BBC Scotland existed to reflect the politics, society, life—in short the culture—of Scotland. Special days such as St Andrew’s Day or Burns Night allowed for the expression of Scottish nationality. Further, BBC Scotland did not represent Scottishness in a caricatured, one-dimensional way. It did indulge in its fair share of nostalgia and kailyard and just plain stereotype, but the

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Abstract only
Thomas Hajkowski

the hybrid “dual identities” of contemporary Britain. Established in 1922 as the British Broadcasting Company, and then chartered as a public service corporation in 1927 with a monopoly over broadcasting, the BBC regarded itself as a guarantor of an enduring British culture and tradition. However, as historians, political scientists, and social theorists have established, national identity is not fixed, but rather constructed and reconstituted over time.2 This was certainly true of Britain, a multi-national state that integrated its peripheries unevenly and with

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Regional broadcasting and identity in “Ulster”
Thomas Hajkowski

thing, it has been a constant link with the remainder of the British Isles.”2 Here Marshall expresses a kind of cultural unionism which, of course, unpinned political unionism. It was not that BBC NI helped to develop the local culture and provided a link to Britain, but rather that it developed the local culture because it maintained that vital link. Further, while BBC NI refused to endorse the more bigoted aspects of unionism, especially before the Second World War, it did adopt a decidedly unionist point of view. From its inception the BBC in Northern Ireland

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
The BBC and the empire, 1939–53
Thomas Hajkowski

different program formats more amenable to listeners such as discussions, quiz shows, and variety. The post-war structure of the BBC encouraged the continuation of the BBC’s janus-faced policy towards the empire as either a serious political matter or a source of entertainment. With the division of the BBC after the war into the Home Service, Light Programme, and Third Programme, serious discussion about imperial issues could be safely quarantined on the Third, which attracted few listeners. Lighter but still informative fare appeared on the Home Service with mixed

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Abstract only
Thomas Hajkowski

stations strengthened national identity in the regions by providing them with an institution purpose-built for the expression of their national-regional culture and by creating bounded communities of listeners in these areas. This was especially important in Wales, which, other than its National Library in Aberystwyth, had few national institutions, and Northern Ireland, whose very creation as a political unit preceded the establishment of the BBC by only a year. Even in Scotland, which retained its own educational system, legal code, and established Church, the very

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Empire and identity, 1923–39
Thomas Hajkowski

methodology, between what Catherine Hall calls the “Manchester School” (i.e. MacKenzie) and the more Saidean approaches, both represent a broad body of scholarship that acknowledges the deep and Empire and identity, 1923–39 important impact of imperialism of British society, culture, and ­politics.11 Still, the New Imperial History hardly represents an historical orthodoxy or consensus. The extent to which Britain was “imbricated with the culture of empire”12 remains very much a contested issue. Bernard Porter, in his recent book The Absent-Minded Imperialists, argues

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Thomas Hajkowski

British monarchy as a symbol of national unity during the late-Victorian period: the decline in the effective political power of the monarchy, Victoria’s longevity, the weakening of provincial identities, and the “conservative, vulgar, strident, and working-class” mass-circulation press.5 Most important, for ­Cannadine, was the rapid social change and social strife that characterized the late nineteenth century. “In an age of change, crisis and dislocation,” he argues, “the ‘preservation of anachronism,’ the deliberate, ceremonial presentation of an impotent but

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Thomas Hajkowski

BBC’s Head Office in London over programs, scheduling, hours of operation, and the use of the Welsh language. On the other hand, BBC radio in Wales was never Welsh enough to satisfy the Welsh nationalists, who demanded more Welsh-language programs and eventually an independent broadcasting system for Wales. Caught between London and the nationalists, Welsh producers never­theless managed to steer a middle course that in the end, perhaps, satisfied no one. Like BBC Scotland, BBC Wales was politically unionist, but that did not make it any less “Welsh.” The early

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53