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Cartoon analysis is the study of a non-elite communication. Ilan Danjoux examined over 1200 Israeli and Palestinian editorial cartoons to explore whether changes in their content anticipated the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in October of 2000. Political Cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict provide readers an engaging introduction to cartoon analysis and a novel insight into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Conflict researchers benefit from paying attention to popular fears because they influence the policies of career-minded politicians and autocratic leaders seeking to placate domestic dissent. The book begins by outlining the rationale for this research project, while explaining the choice of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study. It identifies the challenges of cartoon research and outlines the methodological approaches available to researchers. After laying the framework for this study, the book details the collapse of the Israel-Palestinian Peace Process into full-scale violence by October 2000. A description of Israeli and Palestinian media production follows. The book demonstrates the cartoon's ability to chronicle changes in conflict. Not only did both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons change their focus with the outbreak of violence, the mood of cartoons also shifted. It also shows that Israeli and Palestinian cartoons also changed the way that each portrayed the other. Changes in both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons corresponded with, but did not precede, the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada.

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Political parties reflect the societies within which they operate. Competition between parties – in pursuit of resources, power and, occasionally, prestige – is very much based on the competition that occurs between the different social groups that exist within a society. In the new European democracies of the 1920s, the contemporary party systems that emerged were

in Conflict to peace

3 Anti-political (post)modernity A necessity … is precisely what politics is not. In fact, it begins where the realm of material necessity and physical brute force end. Hannah Arendt , The Promise of Politics (2005: 119) The previous two chapters have considered Arendt's work as contributing to a biopolitical lens with which we

in Death machines

This chapter examines the challenges facing women who want to participate in politics in Northern Ireland and touches upon the relationship between women inside and outside politics. Women constantly run up against socially conservative attitudes and face residual and overt misogyny and resistance to specific measures for change, including at times

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
An interview with David Byrne

Graham Spencer: Can you tell me what you did during the Good Friday Agreement period? David Byrne: I was Attorney-General in the Irish Government, so my role was on the legal side but, of course, the role of the Attorney-General is to link the legal to the political. The important contribution that I think was expected of me was in relation

in Inside Accounts, Volume II
An interview with Liz O’Donnell

years. I had learned politics quite quickly on my feet, having previously been a city councillor in Dublin since 1991. I studied law in Trinity College and worked in a large firm of solicitors before going into politics. I was married with a very young family. How did being a lawyer impact on your skills as a negotiator and drafting text? I do believe that the Good Friday

in Inside Accounts, Volume II

that shaped the views of combatants; whether ‘combatants’ engaged in ‘military’ activity primarily because of strongly held personal beliefs, deeply held ideological perspectives, or some combination of both. It also outlines how particular beliefs and actions have been framed by specific cultural, social and political interpretations. We focus on several key phases: the reasons for becoming involved

in Abandoning historical conflict?

Peter Mair’s ‘popular component’ in constitutional democracy (see chapter 1 ) had a high profile in pre- and post-devolution politics in the UK. Though the Northern Ireland context of devolution was unique and ‘new politics’ not in its lexicon, elements of the values behind reform in Scotland and Wales were present there. ‘New politics’ was most fully

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict

environmental level, conducive to such radicalisation. Yet, as an abstract, diagrammatic reading of this power will make clear, the function of power produced and mobilised in Prevent goes beyond these bounds. Rather, it will be argued, it constitutes a novel approach to managing threats. It represents the production of a newly realised social space, that of individuals who may become violent, and is a problematic capable of encompassing all who may engage in political violence. This chapter then analyses the political consequences of

in Counter-radicalisation policy and the securing of British identity

Long after the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement – hereafter the Agreement – in Northern Ireland, the far-reaching consequences envisaged in the consociation of the competing political groupings of Ulster unionism and Irish nationalism became manifest. A long and tortuous path led to the formation of an inclusive coalition government headed by the supposed

in Abandoning historical conflict?