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An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

’t necessarily join NGOs like MSF because they don’t have professional experience in humanitarian work. They specifically want to do something in Europe rather than going to Bangladesh or Syria or Iraq. It is really this idea of dealing with a European issue, in Europe, in a way that might bring about political change, without being embedded in a political party. This is a new type of political engagement and politics – different to that which inspired previous generations of humanitarian workers. SOS acknowledges the fact that dealing with migration today in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

, a new and optimistic, less direct but technologically updated humanitarianism has confidently stepped forth. More de-risked and requiring less professional expertise than the labour-intensive direct engagement of the past, it is a cheaper Western humanitarianism designed for connectivity rather than circulation. Often called humanitarian innovation ( ALNAP, 2009 ; Betts and Bloom, 2014 ), a feature of this new humanitarianism is its enthusiastic embrace of adaptive design ( Ramalingam et al ., 2014 ; HPG, 2018 ). Moreover, unlike autonomous

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

one- to two-hour awareness-raising session on security for all volunteers leaving on mission during their departure preparation; and, most importantly, a kidnapping risk-management policy. That policy was designed and put in place after two expatriates were abducted in Somalia in the fall of 2008. It required identifying the kidnapping risk in each intervention zone; a specific briefing for people heading to high- and very high-risk areas about the risk and the means being used to reduce it; and confidentially obtaining and managing proof of identity. The idea was

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

practicality prevents it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of any markers of identity or citizenship. What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological – the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I have argued elsewhere, for example, that the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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Security politics and identity policy

– ‘harsher penalties for inciting terrorism and longer detention for terror suspects . . . including granting police wider powers to arrest and detain suspects’ – and a deeper identity politics that was seeking to impose a particular vision of Australianness and reinterpret multiculturalism ‘with an emphasis on shared values and secularism’ ( Colman, 2005 ; Kerin, 2005 ). What this

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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the interviewees, 4 but they largely remain in denial of this. 5 It is another expression of the ‘deep chasm’ 6 that is said to exist between the two communities around the issues of political and national identities. 7 The present research has further revealed the intensity of this division. 8 People are unconsciously obsessed with the Other’s jouissance

in Socio-ideological fantasy and the Northern Ireland conflict

highly professional; yet in both states the military, ex-military politicians, and the intelligence services nevertheless frequently overshadow the diplomats. The limited influence of professional foreign policy establishments, together with the dominance of the policy process by military and intelligence bureaucrats, may give special weight to the advocates of the use of force over negotiation in achieving ends and to ‘national security’ considerations over other issues, such as economic interests or identity, in the policy process. The over

in The international politics of the Middle East
The role(s) of the military in Southeast Asia

through the sharing of norms, identities and interests (Busse, 1999; Peou, 2002; Tow 2001a, 2001b). This makes it relatively easy to dismiss ‘constructivism’ because, as Tow points out, ‘ASEAN was hardly the unified actor that constructivists would like to portray’ ( Tow, 2001a : 262). Leaving aside the fact that Tow conflates constructivism with neo-liberal institutionalism, the

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
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Evil terrorists, good Americans

ONE OF THE MOST NOTICEABLE and ubiquitous features of the language of counter-terrorism is its invariable appeal to identity: terrorists are endlessly demonised and vilified as being evil, barbaric and inhuman, while America and its coalition partners are described as heroic, decent and peaceful – the defenders of freedom. The clear implication of this language is

in Writing the war on terrorism