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The subject of forensic specialist‘s work with human remains in the aftermath of conflict has remained largely unexplored within the existing literature. Drawing upon anthropological fieldwork conducted from 2009–10 in three mortuary facilities overseen by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), this article analyses observations of and interviews with ICMP forensic specialists as a means of gaining insight into their experiences with the remains of people who went missing during the 1992–95 war in BiH. The article specifically focuses on how forensic specialists construct and maintain their professional identities within an emotionally charged situation. Through analysing forensic specialists encounters with human remains, it is argued that maintaining a professional identity requires ICMP forensic specialists to navigate between emotional attachment and engagement according to each situation.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

’t necessarily join NGOs like MSF because they don’t have professional experience in humanitarian work. They specifically want to do something in Europe rather than going to Bangladesh or Syria or Iraq. It is really this idea of dealing with a European issue, in Europe, in a way that might bring about political change, without being embedded in a political party. This is a new type of political engagement and politics – different to that which inspired previous generations of humanitarian workers. SOS acknowledges the fact that dealing with migration today in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

, a new and optimistic, less direct but technologically updated humanitarianism has confidently stepped forth. More de-risked and requiring less professional expertise than the labour-intensive direct engagement of the past, it is a cheaper Western humanitarianism designed for connectivity rather than circulation. Often called humanitarian innovation ( ALNAP, 2009 ; Betts and Bloom, 2014 ), a feature of this new humanitarianism is its enthusiastic embrace of adaptive design ( Ramalingam et al ., 2014 ; HPG, 2018 ). Moreover, unlike autonomous

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

one- to two-hour awareness-raising session on security for all volunteers leaving on mission during their departure preparation; and, most importantly, a kidnapping risk-management policy. That policy was designed and put in place after two expatriates were abducted in Somalia in the fall of 2008. It required identifying the kidnapping risk in each intervention zone; a specific briefing for people heading to high- and very high-risk areas about the risk and the means being used to reduce it; and confidentially obtaining and managing proof of identity. The idea was

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

practicality prevents it). This is the same foundational commitment that animates human rights work. The humanist core to both of these forms of social practice is a similar kind of belief in the ultimate priority of moral claims made by human beings as human beings rather than as possessors of any markers of identity or citizenship. What differences exist between humanitarianism and human rights are largely sociological – the contextual specifics of the evolution of two different forms of social activism. I have argued elsewhere, for example, that the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Gutiérrez Díaz MEP in October 1991 on safety in professional boxing.9 The third motion suggested that a common logo should be worn by athletes from the 12 Community member states taking part in the Barcelona Olympic Games.10 Written by Mrs Muscardini MEP, the motion recognised the symbolic significance of sport and sought to use this to promote European integration. The common logo would, according to Muscardini, symbolise the athletes membership of the EU as an ideal and unified homeland and as an appeal for democracy for all the people’s of Europe. The fourth motion for

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
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condemning Iraq and intending to take military action against it were detained by the Iraqi authorities and in some cases located in potential military objectives. Neutral diplomats, including military and other service attachés accompanying the forces of the adverse party in the field may not be taken prisoner, so long as they have a certificate of identity and have taken no part in the hostilities. They may

in The contemporary law of armed conflict

marked and issued and stamped by the military authority to which they are attached, and should carry an official identity card. Members of the armed forces who are specially trained as orderlies or stretcher bearers must wear a similar armband when employed on medical duties. Fixed and mobile units must fly a flag carrying this emblem and, if belonging to a neutral state, the national flag as well as that of the belligerent to

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Abstract only

undertaken individual commissions to report to some news media on specific engagements. Many of these persons have been killed, often intentionally, as appears to have been the case in Vietnam and Bosnia, and measures have been taken to secure their protection. By Article 79 of Protocol I journalists engaged on dangerous professional missions in areas of armed conflict and carrying

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Abstract only

-time newspaper or other media reporters in uniform, carrying identity cards indicating their status and attached to the armed forces. They must be distinguished from ‘journalists engaged on dangerous professional missions in areas of armed conflict’, whose status is regulated by Protocol I, Art. 79. Sixty-six journalists in seventeen countries were killed on duty in 1991, seventeen of

in The contemporary law of armed conflict