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already beginning to show signs of restlessness under the patriarchal aegis of the abbot, who reprimanded their disobedience as though they were unruly children [ 79 ]. At its end, the townsmen had organised themselves into a guild through which to orchestrate their commercial interests and political identity [ 82 ]. 1 Monastic towns in general faced similar and usually immoveable ecclesiastical authority: only the royal

in Towns in medieval England
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. The material city The student who engages with these written records, with a view to thinking critically about their analysis and interpretation, is contributing to a distinguished body of scholarship which reaches back to the antiquaries and local historians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and to the amateur and professional historians of the nineteenth to the twenty-first. A new

in Towns in medieval England

The ruling officers of every medieval town invested the place with a religious identity, claiming on this basis the reverence of its subjects. 1 Devotion was recruited in this way to the service of ecclesiastical and political authority. The relics incorporated in the spire of St Paul’s cathedral in London epitomised the distinction and pre-eminence claimed by the bishop

in Towns in medieval England
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As the sources in Section VII make clear, the diversity and economic hierarchy of the medieval town created a social environment in which there could be no natural community. These very conditions, however, go far to explain the deliberate creation, by townspeople themselves, of hundreds of voluntary associations. More diverse, flexible and indeed voluntary than the professional

in Towns in medieval England
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baron. On many late eleventh- and twelfth-century honours, a distinction can be drawn between the vassals who were responsible for a considerable amount of military service, and the professional soldiers who were responsible for the service of one knight or less. 5 Knights held their fees in return for military service in their lord’s contingent in the royal host, and castleguard, the service depending

in Women of the English Nobility and Gentry, 1066-1500
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about the deeds of Frankish kings, Roman emperors and Christian heroes; while Book II’s deployment of stories learned at the feet of the monastic elders offers us a window into the mentality and identity of the community of Prüm itself. Secondly, the Chronicle ’s independent – and in the later stages eyewitness – account of Frankish political history from 818 until 906 makes it one of the four major

in History and politics in late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe
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professionals; from a clerical viewpoint it may have seemed desirable to encourage the laity in this belief. There were however cogent pastoral reasons for seeking saints over a broader area. Clerical saints had limited value as role models and sources of inspiration for men and women who were inevitably going to remain ‘in the world’ for all or most of their lives but must nonetheless be encouraged to lead

in Saints and cities in medieval Italy
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produced pageants for the feast of Corpus Christi. Though there is no consensus among scholars that women would have been involved in these, and certainly by the early modern era professional actors who were exclusively male were regularly employed, the banns (or announcement) of the now lost Chester Assumption play [2] suggest that women did participate. 84 Other seasonal recreations are only

in Women in England c. 1275–1525

ninth-century manuscripts, 9 and neither gives us any further clue to the author’s identity or the early distribution of his text. Levison’s other complaint, that the author included so few of the events of Audoin’s life and then arranged them poorly, is understandable, coming from as it does an enquiring historian. We sense his frustration as he accuses the author of being in a position to know so much

in Late Merovingian France

records because of its endurance, and was cast on to the highway to be picked up and read. This literary conceit not only suggests it is to be regarded as an open letter (letter patent), but also assumes the audience would recognise the method of dissemination, a way of hiding the identity (and location) of the political voice behind it. 1 The ‘game of Trailbaston’ and the pronouncement ‘I shall make

in Crime, Law and Society in the Later Middle Ages