‘harsher penalties for inciting terrorism and longer detention
for terror suspects . . . including granting police wider powers to
arrest and detain suspects’ – and a deeper identity
politics that was seeking to impose a particular vision of
Australianness and reinterpret multiculturalism ‘with an
emphasis on shared values and secularism’ ( Colman, 2005 ; Kerin, 2005 ).
highly professional; yet in both states the military, ex-military politicians, and the intelligence services nevertheless frequently overshadow the diplomats. The limited influence of professional foreign policy establishments, together with the dominance of the policy process by military and intelligence bureaucrats, may give special weight to the advocates of the use of force over negotiation in achieving ends and to ‘national security’ considerations over other issues, such as economic interests or identity, in the policy process.
ONE OF THE
MOST NOTICEABLE and ubiquitous features of the language of
counter-terrorism is its invariable appeal to identity: terrorists are
endlessly demonised and vilified as being evil, barbaric and inhuman,
while America and its coalition partners are described as heroic, decent
and peaceful – the defenders of freedom. The clear implication of
this language is
through the sharing of norms, identities and interests
(Busse, 1999; Peou, 2002; Tow 2001a, 2001b). This makes it
relatively easy to dismiss ‘constructivism’ because, as
Tow points out, ‘ASEAN was hardly the unified actor that
constructivists would like to portray’ ( Tow, 2001a : 262).
Leaving aside the fact that Tow conflates constructivism with
neo-liberal institutionalism, the
State-building is the effort of rulers to institutionalise state structures capable of absorbing expanding political mobilisation and controlling territory corresponding to an identity community. In the Middle East, the flaws built into the process from its origins have afflicted the states with enduring legitimacy deficits (Hudson 1977). Because imperialism drew boundaries that haphazardly corresponded to identity, installed client elites in them and created the power machineries of the new
cannot be repressed. The drives and motivations are based on universal
and genetic basic needs – such as the drive for identity for
development, for meaning and for consistency in response – and
they direct human behaviour. There can be no long-lasting and authentic
social stability unless the basic needs satisfaction of individuals is
met. 10 Burton
establishes his generic theory of needs by
because the Chinese state today has a profound sense of insecurity.
A critical examination of security discourses of and for an insecure
power goes a long way to address the question of what impedes the
shift from a focus on militarism and statism embedded in traditional
security studies to that on individuals, community and identity
advocated by critical security studies. 1 Second, China has recently
activities studies third-party tactics and identities. Intermediary
intervention is defined as ‘any action taken by an actor that is
not directly party to the crisis, that is designed to reduce or remove
one or more of the problems of the bargaining relationship and,
therefore, to facilitate the termination of the crisis itself’. 6 The definition and the
questions related to the strategies and identities employed by third
Richard Kerr, Thomas Wolfe, Rebecca Donegan, and Aris Pappas
without a principal enemy. Although never perfect, the intelligence
community’s analytic efforts against the Soviet threat were
generally insightful and its collection largely effective, reflecting
the accumulation of deep understanding developed over many years.
Absent this singular focus, in the post-Cold War
environment the intelligence community struggled to reestablish its
identity and purpose in what
questions to the social networking site Facebook
as the starting point of this chapter.
Facebook was founded in the United States in 2004 as a
network for Harvard University students to share ‘social’ information.
In 2005, the network was open to other US educational institutions,
corporate professionals and in the following year was made public. 12 Checking social
networking sites has now become part of