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Security politics and identity policy
Anthony Burke

– ‘harsher penalties for inciting terrorism and longer detention for terror suspects . . . including granting police wider powers to arrest and detain suspects’ – and a deeper identity politics that was seeking to impose a particular vision of Australianness and reinterpret multiculturalism ‘with an emphasis on shared values and secularism’ ( Colman, 2005 ; Kerin, 2005 ). What this

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Raymond Hinnebusch

highly professional; yet in both states the military, ex-military politicians, and the intelligence services nevertheless frequently overshadow the diplomats. The limited influence of professional foreign policy establishments, together with the dominance of the policy process by military and intelligence bureaucrats, may give special weight to the advocates of the use of force over negotiation in achieving ends and to ‘national security’ considerations over other issues, such as economic interests or identity, in the policy process. The over

in The international politics of the Middle East
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Evil terrorists, good Americans
Richard Jackson

ONE OF THE MOST NOTICEABLE and ubiquitous features of the language of counter-terrorism is its invariable appeal to identity: terrorists are endlessly demonised and vilified as being evil, barbaric and inhuman, while America and its coalition partners are described as heroic, decent and peaceful – the defenders of freedom. The clear implication of this language is

in Writing the war on terrorism
The role(s) of the military in Southeast Asia
Alex J. Bellamy and Bryn Hughes

through the sharing of norms, identities and interests (Busse, 1999; Peou, 2002; Tow 2001a, 2001b). This makes it relatively easy to dismiss ‘constructivism’ because, as Tow points out, ‘ASEAN was hardly the unified actor that constructivists would like to portray’ ( Tow, 2001a : 262). Leaving aside the fact that Tow conflates constructivism with neo-liberal institutionalism, the

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Raymond Hinnebusch

Primitive state-building State-building is the effort of rulers to institutionalise state structures capable of absorbing expanding political mobilisation and controlling territory corresponding to an identity community. In the Middle East, the flaws built into the process from its origins have afflicted the states with enduring legitimacy deficits (Hudson 1977). Because imperialism drew boundaries that haphazardly corresponded to identity, installed client elites in them and created the power machineries of the new

in The international politics of the Middle East
Tarja Väyrynen

cannot be repressed. The drives and motivations are based on universal and genetic basic needs – such as the drive for identity for development, for meaning and for consistency in response – and they direct human behaviour. There can be no long-lasting and authentic social stability unless the basic needs satisfaction of individuals is met. 10 Burton establishes his generic theory of needs by

in Culture and international conflict resolution
Towards a critical turn?
Yongjin Zhang

because the Chinese state today has a profound sense of insecurity. A critical examination of security discourses of and for an insecure power goes a long way to address the question of what impedes the shift from a focus on militarism and statism embedded in traditional security studies to that on individuals, community and identity advocated by critical security studies. 1 Second, China has recently

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Tarja Väyrynen

activities studies third-party tactics and identities. Intermediary intervention is defined as ‘any action taken by an actor that is not directly party to the crisis, that is designed to reduce or remove one or more of the problems of the bargaining relationship and, therefore, to facilitate the termination of the crisis itself’. 6 The definition and the questions related to the strategies and identities employed by third

in Culture and international conflict resolution
Issues for the intelligence community
Richard Kerr, Thomas Wolfe, Rebecca Donegan, and Aris Pappas

without a principal enemy. Although never perfect, the intelligence community’s analytic efforts against the Soviet threat were generally insightful and its collection largely effective, reflecting the accumulation of deep understanding developed over many years. Absent this singular focus, in the post-Cold War environment the intelligence community struggled to reestablish its identity and purpose in what

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
From starving children to satirical saviours
Rachel Tavernor

questions to the social networking site Facebook as the starting point of this chapter. Facebook was founded in the United States in 2004 as a network for Harvard University students to share ‘social’ information. In 2005, the network was open to other US educational institutions, corporate professionals and in the following year was made public. 12 Checking social networking sites has now become part of

in Global humanitarianism and media culture