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Or how to make the Armenian corpses disappear
Raymond H. Kévorkian

was in fact a case of Chechens, as is made clear in later reports, settled at Ras ul-Ayn at the end of the nineteenth century by Sultan Abdul Hamid II, when a station was built there on the Baghdad railway. Türkei, ‘183/38, A27200’, in Lepsius, Archives du génocide, pp. 203–5. This information is matched by the overall report drafted by the American consul J. B. Jackson: US National Archives, State Department, Record Group 59, 867.4016/373, report of 4 March 1918, published in Sarafian, United States Official Documents, vol. 1, pp. 148–9. The information is

in Destruction and human remains
Abstract only
Selling the Barefoot College
Stewart Allen

-located much of their operations to the new campus. The old campus is situated adjacent to the small village of Tilonia. The village itself contains two elementary schools (for students up to the age of fourteen), one government run, the other an experimental school run by the Barefoot College for children of the College staff,9 several tea shops, two small grocery stores providing basic household goods (noodles, biscuits, cigarettes, stationery, medical supplies and sweets), a railway station served by local trains and a Hindu temple that offers a good view of the village

in An ethnography of NGO practice in India
Open Access (free)
How grave robbers, activists, and foreigners ended official silence about Stalin’s mass graves near Kiev
Karel C. Berkhoff

glasnost (openness or transparency), the publicity was followed by rapid action by state and civil actors. Articles by foreign correspondents who visited Bykivnia added to the pressure. On 5 December, half a century after the Great Terror, Criminal Case 50–0092 was opened to investigate the killings.55 A meeting by Memorial and other activists at the House of Cinema on 6 December demanded an end to the construction of a railway station; a truthful memorial; dismissal of Hladush from the government commission; and a board of advisors with people recommended by civil

in Human remains and identification
Alison Powell

photographed the banal architecture of surveillance: blank-surfaced round surveillance cameras hanging from above in university campuses and privatised shopping areas, passcodeprotected gates and doors that close spaces off to those without the data, and railway station turnstiles with RFID readers that collect data on who passes. But many of these installations are inscrutable on their own. It is impossible to know whether the camera is functioning, or how the RFID transport data is packaged up and sold – much less to whom. The frustration at the unknowable and inscrutable

in Ethnography for a data-saturated world
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski and Svenja Mintert

performances included a slogan declaring ‘Fin dall’ antichita’ tutta mia la citta’ (‘from ancient times the city is mine’). Dominance is also demonstrated through the symbolic occupation of space. Matches against significant rivals will transform the wider city into another ‘battlefield’. As Winands et al. (2017: 10–11) observe: It is not unusual, especially at highly charged matches such as local derbies, for there to be organized group marches from the railway station to the stadium. Here, the space that opposing fans claim as their own territory is deliberately violated

in Ultras
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Mona Abaza

be turned into a positive and more constructive act of political dissent. This would occur when the bus did not arrive and people would almost console each other about the unbearable state of affairs. Eventually, through the exchange of information at the bus station, they would join forces in a collective act of protest. However, Jansen reverses Badiou’s argument to further propose one alternative possibility. He argues that under today’s crises, endurance and silence seem to be the main resort for citizens. He seems to be arguing that in the end, in Sarajevo

in Cairo collages
Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski and Svenja Mintert

underground stations, railway stations and so on) as its exclusive territory to be defended against the enemy’s raids. (Dal Lago and De Biasi, 1994: 85–86) In the case of the performative violence of the ultras, there are two key spaces: the stadium and public space approaching the stadium. Each of these ritual spaces becomes an arena where the symbols of the opposition are to be dominated, desecrated and defiled, while the symbolic power of the group is reified. These kinds of acts can lead to violent disorder as they are highly provocative, but mostly they serve as a

in Ultras