This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
Karl Polanyi (1886–1964) returned to public discourse in the 1990s, when the Soviet Union imploded and globalization erupted. Best known for The Great Transformation, Polanyi’s wide-ranging thought anticipated twenty-first-century civilizational challenges of ecological collapse, social disintegration and international conflict, and warned that the unbridled domination of market capitalism would engender nationalist protective counter-movements. In Karl Polanyi and Twenty-First-Century Capitalism, Radhika Desai and Kari Polanyi Levitt bring together prominent and new thinkers in the field to extend the boundaries of our understanding of Polanyi's life and work. Kari Polanyi Levitt's opening essay situates Polanyi in the past century shaped by Keynes and Hayek, and explores how and why his ideas may shape the twenty-first century. Her analysis of his Bennington Lectures, which pre-dated and anticipated The Great Transformation, demonstrates how Central European his thought and chief concerns were. The next several contributions clarify, for the first time in Polanyi scholarship, the meaning of money as a fictitious commodity. Other contributions resolve difficulties in understanding the building blocks of Polanyi's thought: fictitious commodities, the double movement, the United States' exceptional development, the reality of society and socialism as freedom in a complex society. The volume culminates in explorations of how Polanyi has influenced, and can be used to develop, ideas in a number of fields, whether income inequality, world-systems theory or comparative political economy. Contributors: Fred Block, Michael Brie, Radhika Desai, Michael Hudson, Hannes Lacher, Kari Polanyi Levitt, Chikako Nakayama, Jamie Peck, Abraham Rotstein, Margaret Somers, Claus Thomasberger, Oscar Ugarteche Galarza.
Hebridean shore pictures.
Golfers on a coastal links course … Tartan trousers or tartan fabrics on a golf bag are a common additional referent.
A ‘fishing’ picture, either a solitary angler … or the brightly painted prows of fishing boats.
The profile of Edinburgh’s Castle and Old Town … Unwanted detail, such as the roofs of Waverley railwaystation is normally filtered out by choice of lens, camera angle or careful foreground screening. ( 1995 : 5–6)
Many of us will smile on reading this as such stereotypes are quite familiar to us. Nevertheless, they
did not find
what he said about the railways to be so, even though it was expressed
in the same blunt and colourful language:
This Government’s rail plan isn’t a recipe for efficiency, it’s a recipe for
exploitation with the train operators given the green light to rob passengers
blind to travel on overcrowded and unsafe trains in the name of private
profit. Axing ticket offices and guards will turn stations and trains into a
criminal’s paradise. For passengers it will mean the double scandal of being
mugged by those who set the fares and then running the risk of
Geographical networks of auxiliary medical care in the First World War
utilising a range of wood–metal–steam
geographies. 36 Stretchers, ambulances, ships, ambulance
trains, railways and canals were identifiably non-human components
of this relational geography. 37 Official war histories show
sketch drawings of the front-line arrangements 38 a
micro-scale network of dressing-stations, stretcher parties and
ultimate connection to CCS and
with the judicial authorities.
Childhood and youth, 1936–61
The world of Berlusconi’s early childhood was one of hardship – but also of aspiration. He was born on Tuesday 29 September 1936 in via Volturno, in a district
of Milan known as l’Isola or ‘the Island’, a name which may have come from the
neighbourhood’s relative isolation thanks to the construction of a railway that cut
off former points of access from other areas nearby. Situated about two and half
kilometres to the north of the city centre, l’Isola was a district whose blocks of
Killeen in Toher was raided and quantities of money, tobacco, cigarettes,
whiskey, chocolate and five suits of clothes were stolen. On the same
night the Civic Guard station in Ahascragh was attacked once more,
the guards were beaten, and their uniforms and bedding were set alight.
A second assault on the Civic Guards took place at the railwaystation, Ballinasloe. On 22 May the Munster and Leinster Bank, Athenry,
was held up and £500 stolen. In June the post offices at Gurtymadden
and Tynagh were raided and the ticket money from a dance held at
General Workers’ Union Hall on O’Connell Street, which was also the IRA Brigade HQ. The Fianna collected ‘all dispatches from [IRA] GHQ which arrived in Limerick at the railwaystation’. ‘The messages, which usually were carried by the train staff, were handed over to a contact in the Railway office and then collected by our members and brought to IRA Brigade HQ’, explained Thomas Dargan. ‘Messages for HQ were delivered at the station and then forwarded to Dublin by the same procedure.’ The Fianna in the city of Limerick were responsible for delivering ‘GHQ dispatches
overwhelming majority in favour of strike action and the union mounted
the first major national railway strike in a decade, beating off an i njunction
1 For a history of unions on the London Underground from the 1990s onwards,
see Eady (2016).
2 Berlin (2006: 81).
3 Berlin (2006: 82).
4 Crow (2012a: 154).
Bob Crow: Socialist, leader, fighter
sought by BR [British Rail]. The significance of the 1989 strike went well
beyond BR capitulating on the immediate issues. For the first time a major
union had not only conducted a successful strike ballot under Tory