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Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

rapping on the door asking if we would like to go to the South we came’.96 By 1972, a system was in place whereby people arriving at Royal Victoria (St) Railway Station in Belfast, and declaring themselves to be refugees, are issued with free rail travel vouchers to Dublin by the Railway authorities, the cost being recouped later from the Irish Red Cross Society. The official view was that ‘all and sundry can take advantage of this and many who have no good reason to leave their homes inevitably do’. Privately, civil servants considered that in 1972 ‘the exodus

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79

) was killed while planting a bomb at a power station near Ballyshannon. Over the next two years, loyalists would attack symbolic and infrastructural targets in the South. Wolfe Tone’s grave at Bodenstown was bombed in 1969, as was the tomb of Daniel O’Connell at Glasnevin in January 1971.3 The O’Connell monument in Dublin’s main street was blasted in December 1969 and the Wolfe Tone statue in Stephen’s Green bombed in February 1971.4 The UVF also bombed a TV relay station at Raphoe in February 1970 and an electricity sub-station in Tallaght in March that year. They

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Abstract only
‘No front line and an invisible enemy’

added to Sovin form, which distributed reports through newspapers, magazines and radio stations in twenty-three countries. In 1961, Sovinform became the Novosti Press Agency, ‘the leading information and press body of Soviet public organizations’ with the chartered aim of contributing to ‘mutual understanding, trust and friendship among peoples in every possible way by broadly publishing accurate information about the USSR

in Beslan
The Labour Party, the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the opinion of ILP members

1930. The ILP was struggling to find a role and it was not until it introduced a new constitution 1922 that it declared its intent to continue. Although Clifford Allen, Chairman of the ILP in the early 1920s, revived the ILP with his middle-class friends and their money, the dominating force was the Clydeside group of ILP MPs. After the 1922 general election this included fifteen MPs from Glasgow and another five from West Scotland. Famously, David Kirkwood exclaimed to cheering crowds at Glasgow’s St Enoch railway station, in their send-off to Westminster, that

in Labour and working-class lives

2 Insurrection as history from Guy Fawkes to black blocs This is how the new anarchist urban guerrilla was born, this is how the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire continues to exist. Our attacks deliver blows to the system’s officials and symbols, destroy temples of money, torch political party offices, attack private security guards and security companies, place bombs at jails, courts, detention centers, fascists, at the Parliament, police stations, churches, houses of ministers, we send explosives to embassies and heads of states, blow up military vehicles and

in The politics of attack

key component of its popularity. ‘American socialism,’ historian Bruce Stave writes, ‘was most successful in winning power when it was most progressive; as “gas and water socialism,” it espoused democracy rather than revolution.’89 Under socialist direction, many municipalities took direct control of public transport (including subways, trolleys, and buses), power systems (including power plants), telephone systems, sanitation systems, railroads, ice plants, transportation facilities (bus and train stations, as well as freight shipping  facilities), grocery stores

in Our common wealth

bookshelf­– a­ nd Friedrich Hayek. An episode that occurred when he and his family were on their summer holidays in Europe turned Walt’s romantic enthusiasm for the free market into a deep-­seated commitment. Just weeks before Germany provoked the Second World War, Walt found himself in Frankfurt. Coming out of the railway station, he was horrified to see goose-­stepping members of the Nazi Youth marching by, carrying swastika banners and singing ‘Deutschland über alles’.4 Later, reflecting on the experience, Wriston said, ‘I saw what happens with total regulation of

in The ascent of globalisation

the neighbourhood or can be demolished to make way for new apartments. Bradford was an economically active neighbourhood until 1968, consisting of a coal mine, the Stuart Street power station, huge gasometers and a number of engineering works (Glinert, 2009: 151). There was much enforced re-­housing in the 1960s and 1970s, which some residents have compared unfavourably with the more sympathetic relocation process which has taken place since 1999 (Interview, 31/07/2007). Fort Beswick was a notorious housing project constructed in 1969. Its deck-­access flats and

in The regeneration of east Manchester

practices included utilising a travel agency to forward forged documents to the respective passport office.83 Kerry republican Seamus O’Connor simply applied for a birth certificate in England using the identity of a British serviceman stationed in India. O’Connor presented his application, had a photograph taken of himself and received a birth certificate under the name of ‘Martin Murphy’. He then presented his documents to a British justice of the peace who was an acquaintance of a friend and promptly received a passport.84 026-053 TransDefiance Chapter 3.indd 34 12

in Transatlantic defiance