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Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

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where registration with the authorities was a familiar requirement in many areas of life, including religion. Alongside the registration of religious associations from 1997 onwards, a process of the re-registration of all ‘public associations’ was required by 1 July 1999, under the terms of the 1995 Law On Public Associations.33 Although only introduced in 1995, this law has been superseded by at least two other important pieces of legislation since then, as well as sharing common elements with the 1997 law on religion. When it was drawn up, the Law On Public

in Securitising Russia
Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s

rights to life and worthy standard of living, including rights to proper development of life and to basic security (§11). • The rights of cultural and moral values, including freedom to search for and express opinions, freedom of information, and right to education (§ 12–13). • Rights to religion and conscience (§14). • Rights to choose one’s state in life, including rights to establish a family and pursue a religious vocation (§15–16). • Economic rights, including right to work, to a just and sufficient wage, and to hold private property (§18–22). CATHOLIC HUMAN

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland

describes a utopia beyond human life, and reaches past human messiness towards it. In the return to Eden, for example, we see a relinquishment of humanity to a higher good: either a religious good or a rational scheme as suggested by Enlightenment thinkers. Charles Fourier, for example, advocated a utopia that allows us to plug into a higher ­rationality which will create an order that overcomes human frailty. Having relinquished the wickedness of our ways, we become subject to a universal order (Fourier, 1971). The controlling or radically rationalist utopian idealises

in Britain and Africa under Blair
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is that all conflict in Africa is tribal or that “tribal conflicts are fragmenting Africa’s nations” with the unspoken acceptance that identity-related violence is simply a way of life.2 “It is Africa, after all,” so goes the common refrain. This dismissive and simpleminded view not only ignores the complex nature of African conflict, but excuses the political 36 African security in the twenty-first century and economic culpability critical to fueling and sustaining the problem of ethnic, racial, religious, sectarian, or communal violence across the continent

in African security in the twenty-first century
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widely, presenting the processes by which such diverse elements of life as religious belief, football hooliganism, and offences against national dignity have all been the subject of moves – some successful, some less so – to make them matters of urgent national security concern. Chapter 6 deals with the topic of migration. In Russia, as in many other states, the impact of immigrants on national life has been a sharply debated political issue. On the one hand, Russia more than most countries appears to be in urgent need of more people, given its dire demographic

in Securitising Russia
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religion in Turkey, what has been achieved in this field, and the almost religious zeal – “secular fundamentalism” – in which secularism has been applied in the country: The proclamation of the Republic in 1923 was followed by the abolition of the office of the caliphate in 1924. Other steps were taken in the course of the 1920s and early 1930s towards secularizing the Republic. These included the abolition of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Pious Foundations, abolition of religious courts, proscription of male religious headgear, namely the

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

them religious men, made explicit references to the idea that a replacement for dwindling religious feeling needed to be found in public life: for Chamberlain, ‘the cult of duty, self-sacrifice and service to the community, nation or empire, became increasingly the antidote for waning religious belief and growing materialism’ (Fraser, 1966: xv). They described a quasireligious idea of a state project or mission which would elevate and ennoble the British state. This chapter develops a theoretical underpinning of the reconnection of the state to a source of good. It

in Britain and Africa under Blair

have deduced that they worshipped Shiva or his prototype. Mother-goddess worship was an important element in the religious life of Harappan civilization. Historians had earlier believed that the Aryan invaders destroyed this civilization, however, it is now thought that a series of floods and earthquakes destroyed it. A brief history of India up to independence Aryan age The first wave of Aryan immigration into India began around 1500 BC. The Aryans lived in tribal villages with their herds and were not as civilized as the people of the Indus Valley. But they were

in India in a globalized world

at Marcia in Bulgaria in 1371 that ‘opened the way to the overall Ottoman conquest of the Balkans’.22 Nonetheless, the Battle of Kosovo also serves to demonstrate how a tragic Serbian narrative emerged, tainted with religious meaning. The story, according to Serb historians, traces the life and downfall of an individual as a tragedy. The tragedy acts as a vehicle with the Serbian protagonist representing the Prince as a man capable of superhuman acts of generosity and nobility, who suffered, was betrayed by Vuk Brankovic, and who was ultimately sacrificed at Kosovo

in Contemporary violence