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core beliefs of the Christian faith – God, life after death, heaven, hell and sin – and a significant proportion within both religions attend church services on a regular basis. Even by the late 1990s and contrary to the expectations of secularization theorists, not only was Northern Ireland still a deeply religious society but it had remained exceptionally religious by European standards. 9 As Fahey et al. ( 2006 : 54–55) put

in Conflict to peace
The impact of devolution and cross-border cooperation

This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.

Life in a religious subculture after the Agreement

While most commentators agree that the conflict in and about Northern Ireland was not primarily a religious one, it has been argued that the violence kept religiosity inflated. Because it helped to structure community life and informed people’s ethnic identities, religion was considered an ‘ethnic marker’, a resource people used to mark out and

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
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Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’

the 17-​year-​old boy, arguing that his welfare is served not by the religious beliefs he has internalized as he grew up but “by the exercise of his lively intelligence and the expressions of a playful affectionate nature, and by all of life and love that lie ahead of him” (Act, 123). The court speaks out in the name of a human flourishing that must, in the judge’s view, be the precondition of any faith, opinion, or form of behavior: a flourishing towards the future. The law does not determine or finally define this flourishing. It takes its cue from wider social

in Law and violence

sinistré (a bombed-out person), a refugee or indeed an evacuee. These states were not mutually exclusive: a sinistré might then become a refugee elsewhere. And as families lost the power to determine their children’s futures, they were thrust into greater dependency on the state, and underwent a consequent loss of agency. Disruptions to daily life No matter how hard the bombers tried, their bombs did not distinguish a factory from a school. And as damaged schools were closed, alternative solutions had to be found. Christian Solet from Boulogne-Billancourt and his

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’

intrinsic desirability of a life lived in pursuit of justice. The second is the revelation, for which the realist tradition from Euripides to critical legal studies is given credit, that the law is in fact “a violence in disguise that helps enforce the interests of the ruling class” (p. 18) –​a plain restatement of Thrasymachus’ thesis, which is indeed the real opening gambit of Plato’s Republic, that “justice or right is simply what is in the interest of the stronger party.”3 Menke endorses this line of thinking when he intimates that: given the simple statistical fact

in Law and violence

outsiders, the BBC painted a global society, discovered by the child news reporters of the ‘Stratenfantinosphère’ serial.15 Penny Brown has seen a desire to efface the miseries of daily life in the escapism of French children’s fiction from this period, yet the BBC spoke directly of wartime hardship. At New Year 1942, children were told: ‘the last year was dreadful. The one beginning will undoubtedly be sad too,’ and when Babar worried in February 1942 that the Allies were losing, his v 185 v Explaining bombing friend assured him that ‘it is going badly at the moment

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45
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the court of law, Athena confirms the authoritative character of law by presenting herself as an eager student of the Erinyes. She repeats the lesson they have taught her: that justice exists only when it is supported by “fear.” The cratic doctrine by which the goddesses of retribution derive from justice the necessity of their ugly and forbidding doings –​the doctrine that neither a “lawless life” nor “one subject to a tyrant” is good because the citizens fear only a master (and because justice cannot rule without fear)24 –​this doctrine is not only not forgotten

in Law and violence

-​long Jewish legal tradition, however, Jewish law is certainly not merely a religious normative order but a proper law –​it entails scope, content, and function typical for a legal regime. Interestingly though, due to the conditions of the Diaspora, Jewish law cannot have recourse to any governmental apparatus of power by way of an enforcement 103 Law without violence 103 agency. Its reference in the life of the members of the legal community must therefore be ensured without the use of force. For this reason, Jewish law has had to develop very different resources as its

in Law and violence

that would apply even to complex structures of arbitral jurisdiction in an economic community of transnational corporations.22 If, on the other hand, the bond that ties law to citizenship is more than a merely formal link –​if, in other words, we add substantial criteria concerning the nature and degree of political organization –​we arrive at a theory that is plausible in a world defined by the Westphalian order. But this form of life has grown gray; law of world society is polycentric. As a consequence, the philosophy of law then no longer has any answers to urgent

in Law and violence