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Lester K. Little

Since brentatore (plural brentatori ), the Italian term for a wine porter, derives from brenta (plural brente ), the container for carrying wine, any discussion of origins and meanings must begin with the brenta itself. Archaeology, philology, and history all agree on defining the territory of the brenta as southern Switzerland and northern Italy, from the Alps to the Apennines, and from the region of Piedmont in the west to the Adriatic coast in the east. The origins of the term brenta lie in the remote

in Indispensable immigrants
Abstract only
Problems of definition and historiography
Irina Metzler

:1 (2000), 167–72. 6 R. Brooks, ‘Official Madness: A Cross-cultural Study of Involuntary and Civil Confinement Based on “Mental Illness”’, in Jane Hubert (ed.), Madness, Disability and Social Exclusion: The Archaeology and Anthropology of ‘Difference’ (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 9–28. 7 Jonathan Andrews, ‘Identifying and Providing for the Mentally Disabled in Early Modern London’, in David Wright and Anne Digby (eds), From Idiocy to Mental Deficiency: Historical Perspectives on People with Learning

in Fools and idiots?
Lindy Brady

the shared values of a warrior elite across an ostensible Anglo/Welsh divide. These riddles, which link the ‘dark Welsh’ to agricultural labour through the cattle they herd, have long been understood to show the Welsh as slaves, reflecting negative Anglo/Welsh relations and Anglo-Saxon awareness of ethnic and social division. However, it makes greater sense to read the ‘captives’ in these riddles polysemically, as both cattle and humans, alluding to the fact that the Welsh were as often slave raiders as they were slaves in the Anglo-Saxon period. In this chapter I

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
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The Dunsoete Agreement and daily life in the Welsh borderlands
Lindy Brady

of influence by Ine’s laws, even though they were still valid in the tenth century via their preservation in Alfred’s domboc and the Norðleoda laga.20 Ine’s laws are notorious for an ethnically tiered system of wergilds, in which Britons appear to be valued significantly less than their Anglo-Saxon counterparts in social rank. They are most often interpreted as casting the Britons in an ‘inferior social position’, creating a ‘sense of ethnic superiority on the part of the Saxons’ in which ‘the “otherness” of the Britons’ is emphasised ‘in order to manufacture a

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

assessed for the tax on aliens in Bridge Street ward in London in 1444, was evidently one of those immigrant converts who chose not to live within the protected confines of the Domus Conversorum but to make his home within an urban and commercial environment where he could go readily about his own business transactions. 15 As we saw in chapter 5 , the case of Duarte Brandão/Edward Brampton, the Portuguese Jew converted to Christianity before his arrival in England, proves that Jewish birth was no impediment in itself to a mainstream career even in the highest social

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Lindy Brady

mixed Anglo-Welsh cultural influence. Bertram Colgrave argued that there is ‘very little foundation’ for reading Penwalh as a Celtic name: he objected that wealh, ‘though it means a foreigner or a Welshman is frequently found as the second element of O.E. names, so frequently in fact as to make it unlikely that the element was used only in the case of foreigners’.8 However, he did not address the Welsh element pen, and as Frederick C. Suppe has demonstrated, the comparable Welsh name-element sais, meaning Englishman, had ‘a broader range of social meanings’ than just

in Writing the Welsh borderlands in Anglo-Saxon England
Thomas A. Prendergast and Stephanie Trigg

substantially and deliberately broken down many of the conventional distinctions between these fields. These range from archaeological and genealogical studies such as Bruce Holsinger’s The Premodern Condition , Andrew Cole and Vance Smith’s The Legitimacy of the Middle Ages and the revisionary queer historiographies of Carolyn Dinshaw’s Getting Medieval and How Soon Is Now? ; to political

in Affective medievalism
Marie-Céline Isaïa

forgive sins is addressed to a social or professional category, here the clergy. The incentive to forgive does not depend on the personal behaviour of one priest or another: it is the archbishop of Rheims – that means Remigius as much as Hincmar – who speaks, as he would in a provincial council, and promulgates a rule to all the clergy of his diocese. Indeed, this discourse of Hincmar is staged as part of of a theoretical or ideal council, in which the roles of Hincmar and Remigius are inseparable: there is the example of Remigius on one side, who is able to convince

in Hincmar of Rheims
Mark Ormrod, Bart Lambert and Jonathan Mackman

blurred social distinctions and stimulated the elites to spend more on luxuries, so as to set themselves apart from the rest of the population. 3 Most of these consumer goods were produced within England, bringing about a boom in the manufacturing industries. This, in turn, attracted numerous foreign craftsmen, whose skills and capital sometimes allowed them to cater for the increasingly cosmopolitan and quickly changing tastes of English consumers more adequately than native producers. Many of these artisans employed fellow aliens as

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
Colin Veach

control their surroundings, both intensively (through tenure and the control of courts) and by tribute (receiving acknowledgements of superior status from their neighbours); all of these can be characterised as dimensions of ‘lordship’. 237 lordship The methods used depended on the pre-­existing social structures within each realm. Thus, while focusing on lordship in general, this chapter still remains sensitive to local variations. As aristocrats, one of the Lacys’ means to enforce lordship was war. Whether as captains in royal armies, or through the conquest and

in Lordship in four realms