Since brentatore (plural brentatori ), the Italian term for a wine porter, derives from brenta (plural brente ), the container for carrying wine, any discussion of origins and meanings must begin with the brenta itself. Archaeology, philology, and history all agree on defining the territory of the brenta as southern Switzerland and northern Italy, from the Alps to the Apennines, and from the region of Piedmont in the west to the Adriatic coast in the east.
The origins of the term brenta lie in the remote
:1 (2000), 167–72.
6 R. Brooks, ‘Official Madness: A Cross-cultural Study of Involuntary and Civil Confinement Based on “Mental Illness”’, in Jane Hubert (ed.), Madness, Disability and Social Exclusion: The Archaeology and Anthropology of ‘Difference’ (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 9–28.
7 Jonathan Andrews, ‘Identifying and Providing for the Mentally Disabled in Early Modern London’, in David Wright and Anne Digby (eds), From Idiocy to Mental Deficiency: Historical Perspectives on People with Learning
the shared values of a
warrior elite across an ostensible Anglo/Welsh divide. These riddles, which
link the ‘dark Welsh’ to agricultural labour through the cattle they herd,
have long been understood to show the Welsh as slaves, reflecting negative
Anglo/Welsh relations and Anglo-Saxon awareness of ethnic and social
division. However, it makes greater sense to read the ‘captives’ in these
riddles polysemically, as both cattle and humans, alluding to the fact that
the Welsh were as often slave raiders as they were slaves in the Anglo-Saxon
period. In this chapter I
The Dunsoete Agreement and daily life in the Welsh borderlands
of influence by Ine’s laws, even though they were still
valid in the tenth century via their preservation in Alfred’s domboc and the
Norðleoda laga.20 Ine’s laws are notorious for an ethnically tiered system of
wergilds, in which Britons appear to be valued significantly less than their
Anglo-Saxon counterparts in social rank. They are most often interpreted
as casting the Britons in an ‘inferior social position’, creating a ‘sense of
ethnic superiority on the part of the Saxons’ in which ‘the “otherness” of the
Britons’ is emphasised ‘in order to manufacture a
assessed for the tax on aliens in Bridge Street ward in London in 1444, was evidently one of those immigrant converts who chose not to live within the protected confines of the Domus Conversorum but to make his home within an urban and commercial environment where he could go readily about his own business transactions. 15 As we saw in chapter 5 , the case of Duarte Brandão/Edward Brampton, the Portuguese Jew converted to Christianity before his arrival in England, proves that Jewish birth was no impediment in itself to a mainstream career even in the highest social
mixed Anglo-Welsh cultural influence.
Bertram Colgrave argued that there is ‘very little foundation’ for reading
Penwalh as a Celtic name: he objected that wealh, ‘though it means a foreigner or a Welshman is frequently found as the second element of O.E.
names, so frequently in fact as to make it unlikely that the element was
used only in the case of foreigners’.8 However, he did not address the Welsh
element pen, and as Frederick C. Suppe has demonstrated, the comparable
Welsh name-element sais, meaning Englishman, had ‘a broader range of
social meanings’ than just
deliberately broken down many of the conventional distinctions between
these fields. These range from archaeological and genealogical studies
such as Bruce Holsinger’s The Premodern Condition , Andrew Cole
and Vance Smith’s The Legitimacy of the Middle Ages and the
revisionary queer historiographies of Carolyn Dinshaw’s Getting
Medieval and How Soon Is Now? ; to political
forgive sins is addressed to a social or professional category, here the clergy. The incentive to forgive does not depend on the personal behaviour of one priest or another: it is the archbishop of Rheims – that means Remigius as much as Hincmar – who speaks, as he would in a provincial council, and promulgates a rule to all the clergy of his diocese. Indeed, this discourse of Hincmar is staged as part of of a theoretical or ideal council, in which the roles of Hincmar and Remigius are inseparable: there is the example of Remigius on one side, who is able to convince
blurred social distinctions and stimulated the elites to spend more on luxuries, so as to set themselves apart from the rest of the population. 3
Most of these consumer goods were produced within England, bringing about a boom in the manufacturing industries. This, in turn, attracted numerous foreign craftsmen, whose skills and capital sometimes allowed them to cater for the increasingly cosmopolitan and quickly changing tastes of English consumers more adequately than native producers. Many of these artisans employed fellow aliens as
control their surroundings, both intensively (through tenure and the control of courts) and
by tribute (receiving acknowledgements of superior status from their
neighbours); all of these can be characterised as dimensions of ‘lordship’.
The methods used depended on the pre-existing social structures within
each realm. Thus, while focusing on lordship in general, this chapter
still remains sensitive to local variations. As aristocrats, one of the Lacys’
means to enforce lordship was war. Whether as captains in royal armies, or
through the conquest and