Ireland's national emblem, the harp, implies that concepts of meritocracy and legitimate entitlement are superseded by notions of special advantage through unorthodox and clandestine influence. This book maps the decline in standards since the inauguration of Irish independence in 1922, to the loss of Irish economic sovereignty in 2010. It examines how the deliberate policy of Augustine Birrell to 'green' Dublin Castle through patronage contributed to the downfall of the Irish party and had a profound bearing on the development of post-independent Ireland. The book reveals how the policy of economic protectionalism in the 1930s and 1940s provided the opportunity to exercise discretionary decisions to political allies in the issuing of licences, shares, leases and export quotas. The Tribunal trilogy from 1943 to 1947 contributed to the government collapse in 1944 and the removal of Fianna Fáil from power in 1948. The book assesses that discretionary political decisions were replaced by the authorisation of planning permission in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. The shortcomings of planning legislation in the 1960s and the response of the 1973-1977 National Coalition government to alleged corruption, determined the framework for political culture in the subsequent 30 years. The book explores allegations of political favouritism towards the beef industry and within the privatisation process of state sponsored bodies in the 1980s and 1990s. It details how reliance on the beef industry was replaced by property and construction interests in the 1990s and 2000s, while assessing how the definition of corruption evolved from 1922 to 2010.
Irish women writers entered the international publishing scene in unprecedented numbers in the period between 1878 and 1922. This collection of new essays explores how Irish women, officially disenfranchised through much of that era, felt inclined and at liberty to exercise their political influence through the unofficial channels of their literary output. By challenging existing and often narrowly-defined conceptions of what constitutes ‘politics’, the chapters investigate Irish women writers’ responses to, expressions of, and dialogue with a contemporary political landscape that included not only the debates surrounding nationalism and unionism, but also those concerning education, cosmopolitanism, language, Empire, economics, philanthropy, socialism, the marriage ‘market’, the publishing industry, the commercial market, and employment. The volume demonstrates how women from a variety of religious, social, and regional backgrounds – including Emily Lawless, L. T. Meade, Katharine Tynan, Lady Gregory, Rosa Mulholland, and the Ulster writers Ella Young, Beatrice Grimshaw, and F. E. Crichton – used their work to advance their own private and public political concerns through astute manoeuvrings both in the expanding publishing industry and against the partisan expectations of an ever-growing readership. Close readings of individual texts are framed by new archival research and detailed historical contextualisation. Offering fresh critical perspectives by internationally-renowned scholars including Lauren Arrington, Heidi Hansson, Margaret Kelleher, Patrick Maume, James H. Murphy, and Eve Patten, Irish Women’s Writing, 1878-1922: Advancing the Cause of Liberty is an innovative and essential contribution to the study of Irish literature as well as women’s writing at the turn of the twentieth century.
Marital violence in post-independence Ireland, 1922–96 represents the first
comprehensive history of marital violence in modern Ireland, from the founding
of the Irish Free State in 1922 to the passage of the Domestic Violence Act and
the legalisation of divorce in 1996. Based upon extensive research of under-used
court records, this groundbreaking study sheds light on the attitudes, practices
and laws surrounding marital violence in twentieth-century Ireland. While many
men beat their wives with impunity throughout this period, victims of marital
violence had little refuge for at least fifty years after independence. During a
time when most abused wives remained locked in violent marriages, this book
explores the ways in which men, women and children responded to marital
violence. It raises important questions about women’s status within marriage and
society, the nature of family life and the changing ideals and lived realities
of the modern marital experience in Ireland.
Men and women who were born, grew up and died in Ireland between 1850 and 1922 made decisions—to train, to emigrate, to stay at home, to marry, to stay single, to stay at school—based on the knowledge and resources they had at the time. This, a comprehensive social history of Ireland for the years 1850–1922, explores that knowledge and discusses those resources, for men and women at all social levels on the island as a whole. Original research, particularly on extreme poverty and public health, is supplemented by neglected published sources, including local history journals, popular autobiography and newspapers. Folklore and Irish language sources are used extensively. The book reproduces the voices of the people and the stories of individuals whenever it can, and questions much of the accepted wisdom of Irish historiography over the previous five decades.
Marital violence as a social
problem in post-independence
In her memoir, Are You Somebody?, Nuala O’Faolain describes the
bleak life of her mother Catherine, a woman who lost herself in novels
and alcohol in order to take refuge from her thirteen pregnancies, her
enduring poverty, and her philandering and largely absent husband.
Catherine was neither domestic nor maternal, and she became an
increasingly neglectful mother as she spent more of her time drinking
at the local pub. ‘My mother didn’t want anything to do with childrearing or housework
Political corruption in Ireland: 1922–2010
This book reveals a hidden Irish history between the inauguration of political
independence in 1922 and the loss of economic sovereignty in 2010. It has
presented the context within which political culture responded to corruption
since the foundation of the state. The integrity of political activity was analysed
to assess what the critical junctures were that caused behaviour to change. It
found that the type of corruption altered as a transformation of Ireland’s
political, economic and social structures
BBC broadcasting in Wales,
In 1949, Alun Oldfield-Davies, Controller of the BBC’s station in Wales,
declared: “the basic job of the BBC in Wales is to nourish and encourage
national unity and to add wealth, depth, and value to all aspects of national
life.”1 At first, this seems to be a rather straightforward testament to the role of
the BBC in Wales. For Oldfield-Davies, Wales was not a region but a nation,
albeit one that lacked a cohesive culture or identity. The BBC, he suggested,
could and ought to participate in the process of forming a national
broadcasting in Britain, 1922–53
he first four chapters of this book examined the BBC as a nationalizing
institution and its role in the construction of a British national identity
inclusive of English, Scottish, Welsh, and Northern Irish identities. They highlighted the fluidity of British national identity, the tensions inherent in the
BBC’s construction of Britishness, and the contests over this version of Britishness inside the Corporation. The focus of this book now shifts to broadcasting
within the nations that, along with
Children and marital
In her 1935 petition for a divorce a mensa et thoro, Mrs L. of Dublin
alleged that her husband would desert her for long periods of time and
then return home to abuse her and their young son. She described his
various forms of cruelty: ‘Your Petitioner had a miscarriage caused by
worry, anxiety, and physical assaults inflicted on her by her husband.
He threw shoes and water at her, continually beat the baby and twice
hurled him to the ground by striking him with his clenched fists.
His language was vile. He frequently
Examining the ways in which the BBC constructed and disseminated British national identity during the second quarter of the twentieth century, this book focuses in a comprehensive way on how the BBC, through its radio programmes, tried to represent what it meant to be British. It offers a revision of histories of regional broadcasting in Britain that interpret it as a form of cultural imperialism. The regional organisation of the BBC, and the news and creative programming designed specifically for regional listeners, reinforced the cultural and historical distinctiveness of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The BBC anticipated, and perhaps encouraged, the development of the hybrid ‘dual identities’ characteristic of contemporary Britain.