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The media and international intervention

The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq's war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the 'new Hitler' after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. This book is about how the media have interpreted conflict and international intervention in the years after the Cold War. By comparing press coverage of a number of different wars and crises, it seeks to establish which have been the dominant themes in explaining the post-Cold War international order and to discover how far the patterns established prior to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks have subsequently changed. The key concern is with the legitimacy of Western intervention: the aim is to investigate the extent to which Western military action is represented in news reporting as justifiable and necessary. The book presents a study that looks at UK press coverage of six conflicts and the international response to them: two instances of 'humanitarian military intervention' (Somalia and Kosovo); two cases in which the international community was criticised for not intervening (Bosnia and Rwanda); and two post-9/11 interventions (Afghanistan and Iraq). There were a number of overlapping UN and US interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s. Operation Restore Hope was the first major instance of post-Cold War humanitarian military intervention, following the precedent set by the establishment of 'safe havens' for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war.

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Philip Hammond

’ for Iraqi Kurds and other minorities at the end of the 1991 Gulf war. It forms the core of this case study, although we shall also look at earlier and later coverage for purposes of comparison. Context Divided under British, French and Italian rule during the nineteenth century, Somalia became independent in 1960, uniting the former British and Italian colonial territories

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
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Philip Hammond

in Baghdad on 9 April, broadcast live around the world, as signalling the victory of the coalition. Context After its defeat in the 1991 Gulf war, Iraq was subjected to international economic sanctions, which caused large-scale suffering. The UN Children’s Fund estimated that rising mortality rates after 1991 had resulted in 500,000 excess deaths of infants under the age of

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts

This book is about the transformation of Germany's security and defence policy in the time between the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 war against Iraq. It traces and explains the reaction of Europe's biggest and potentially most powerful country to the ethnic wars of the 1990s, the emergence of large-scale terrorism, and the new US emphasis on pre-emptive strikes. Based on an analysis of Germany's strategic culture, it portrays Germany as a security actor and indicates the conditions and limits of the new German willingness to participate in international military crisis management that developed over the 1990s. The book debates the implications of Germany's transformation for Germany's partners and neighbours, and explains why Germany said ‘yes’ to the war in Afghanistan, but ‘no’ to the Iraq War. Based on a comprehensive study of the debates of the German Bundestag and actual German policy responses to the international crises between 1991 and 2003, it provides insights into the causes and results of Germany's transformation.

Francesco Cavatorta

The first element that needs to be analysed is the role played by the economic crisis of 1985–1986 in ‘forcing’ the ruling elites in Algeria to open up the system. Government revenues fell due to the oil counter-shock, resulting in widespread impoverishment among the general population, which in turn led to the October 1988 riots. The question that should be asked is whether the externally driven downturn in the economy had a causal link to the decision to liberalise. The FIS contends that it was the lack of political legitimacy rather than the economic crisis that led the ruling elites to try a new strategy of re-legitimisation. This chapter discusses external shocks and direct active policies and their impact on Algeria's transition to democracy, focusing on the war in Afghanistan and its consequences and repercussions on Islamism in the country, the 1990–1991 Gulf War, the end of the Cold War, the West's promotion of democracy, promotion of political Islam, and the role of financial institutions and multinationals.

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
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Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen

Introduction From Iraq to Iraq: full circle? At the time of German re-unification in October 1990, Germany followed a policy of strict military abstinence in conflicts outside of Europe. The notion that the Bundeswehr (the German armed forces) could be used for other purposes than defence of Germany was inconceivable across the political spectrum. Thus, not a single German soldier participated in the 1991 Gulf War. Twelve years later, when another US-led coalition launched Operation Iraqi Freedom to oust the regime of Saddam Hussein, the Germans remained absent

in Germany, pacifism and peace enforcement
Piers Robinson
Peter Goddard
Katy Parry
Craig Murray
, and
Philip M. Taylor

as ‘holding the military initiative’ (1986: 146). Similarly, Morrison’s UKbased study of the 1991 Gulf War describes coverage as dominated by a concentration on the progress of the war, speculation over coalition strategy and concern regarding air and missile attacks on coalition forces (Morrison, 1992: 68). A third characteristic of supportive coverage is reporting that reinforces official justifications for war and avoids substantive criticism: as described in Chapter 2, Hallin (1986) argued that the Vietnam War raised fundamental questions for some about the

in Pockets of resistance
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Post-Cold War conflicts and the media
Philip Hammond

making sense of international conflict and cooperation. The first major post-Cold War conflict, the 1991 Gulf war, indicated how much had already changed. Saddam Hussein had enjoyed Western support in Iraq’s war against Iran in the 1980s, but was abruptly cast as the ‘new Hitler’ after his invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. Neither the erstwhile Soviet enemy nor Arab states raised any serious objections

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Ilan Danjoux

replacement until the outbreak of the Gulf War. The 1991 Gulf War had an isolating effect on the Palestinian leadership after the PLO chose to publicly support Saddam Hussein and his attacks on Israel. Siding with Iraq alienated Gulf State sponsors and devastated international support. Scenes of Palestinians cheering on rooftops as Iraqi Scud missiles smashed into Israeli cities undid the image of Palestinians

in Political cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Michael Byers

during the 1991 Gulf War, as did Hezbollah when it launched thousands of missiles at Tiberias and Haifa in the summer of 2006. On both occasions, the missiles were aimed at the general vicinity of Israeli cities rather than at specific military targets. On the later occasion, Israel also violated the rules. Of the more than 1,000 Lebanese civilians killed during the summer of 2006, some were struck by Israeli missiles as they followed Israeli instructions to leave their homes and villages. Others were hit because blasted roads, bridges and gasoline stations had made it

in ‘War on terror’