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The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.

James L. Newell

Berlusconi personally, then if the entrepreneur failed to meet public expectations, his party would lack significant alternative appeals to prevent electoral support drifting away from him. So those in FI not employed by Berlusconi, especially candidates and members of the clubs, concerned that the organisation’s and their own fortunes should not be totally linked to those of Berlusconi, brought pressure, after the 1994 election, for the transformation of FI into an autonomous party run on rational/legal lines. Berlusconi was obliged to bow to some of the pressure

in Silvio Berlusconi
Open Access (free)
Ross M. English

Congressional elections 17 Party believed that this document was central to their success in the 1994 elections. It was the first time that so many of the candidates of one party had pledged themselves to a national platform of specific policies which, they argued, offered a sharp contrast to the ability of the previous Democrat Congress to get things done. As we shall see, there is evidence to suggest that they were mistaken in this belief. Congressional elections Elections to Congress are held every two years on the first Tuesday of November, electing the whole of the

in The United States Congress
Abstract only
North, peripheries, cross-class appeal and shifting alliances
,

also contributed to the destabilisation of a consociational power system, which, as we have seen, was under increasing judicial scrutiny and rapidly losing the support of large chunks of the electorate. By the time of the 1994 elections, a new “bipolar” dynamic had come to characterise Italian politics, whereby a centre-left coalition would now have to compete with a centre-right one, of which the LN was a member, in order to govern. Such a dynamic was fostered mainly by two factors: (a) the fact that the electoral law was changed from a

in Populism in Europe
Abstract only
,

. A prominent political actor at national level The elections of 1992 brought the LN to the attention of the whole country, as it gained 8.7% of the votes nationally (thanks to its 17.3% in the North). As a huge political space had opened up on the right and, due to the crisis of the DC, another right-wing party was also formed in this period, just in time to fight the 1994 elections: FI. This emerged from that election as the largest party, earning a very respectable 21% of the vote. The March 1994 election ushered in the

in Populism in Europe
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

that they will repatriate (CD 1989: IV.1). In recent years the party’s nationalism is increasingly linked to the theme of European integration. The CD has always been sceptic towards the process of European integration. It opposes any limitation of sovereignty of the Dutch state and sees the Maastricht Treaty consequently as one of the many international defeats of the Dutch government. The Treaty was the main inspiration for the new section on territory in the 1994 election programme, in which the CD demanded a constitutional guarantee of the sovereignty of the

in The ideology of the extreme right
James L. Newell

from the left. At that time, he was seeking to bring together parties in an alliance that seemed essential if a centre-left victory in the general election, portended by the outcome of the local elections the previous autumn, was to be avoided. Insistence on the anticommunist theme would polarise the political conflict in the run-up to the 1994 election and thus weaken the capacity of the small centre forces, unaligned with left or right coalitions, to attract party allies or the voters left orphaned by the disintegration of the traditional moderate parties of

in Silvio Berlusconi
James L. Newell

similarly dramatic falls. Consequently, the centre right was only 0.9 per cent short of winning the majority premium and it found itself back in government as part of a grand coalition. In short, since his political debut in 1993/94, Berlusconi can be said to have won three elections decisively, to have narrowly failed to win two others and to have lost one; and having demonstrated, with the outcome of the 1994 election, his capacity and that of his party to bring victory to the centre right and its constituent parties, Berlusconi found that he had an essentially secure

in Silvio Berlusconi
Laura Chrisman

(this is before the 1994 election) as a socialist who is concerned that the ANC – as opposition and future government – is silencing the voices and the priorities of working-class and socialist movements. His concern is to find a way for progressive and marginalised constituencies to create a politics that challenges the ANC’s monopoly.13 There is a lot to agree with in Farred`s argument. But I find problematic both the fatalism and the ambiguity of his presentation; his article suggests both a pragmatic and an idealist perspective. Farred focuses a lot on Inkatha

in Postcolonial contraventions
Abstract only
Elisabeth Carter

run-up to the 1994 election, the KF and V welcomed a suggestion made by the FRPd’s then-leader Pia Kjærsgaard that the three parties should try and create a majority in parliament (Thomsen, 1995: 317–18). Though this apparent accommodation with the FRPd turned out to be a mistake for the KF in particular, the radicalization of the moderate right nonetheless kept the FRPd’s fortunes in check. In 1994 the FRPd recorded exactly the same result as it had done four years earlier, securing just 6.4 percent of the vote. The heavy losses experienced by the KF in 1994 and

in The extreme right in Western Europe