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Still unique or just one in the crowd?
Karen E. Smith

EUD4 10/28/03 2:41 PM Page 60 4 The ACP in the European Union’s network of regional relationships: still unique or just one in the crowd? Karen E. Smith This chapter analyses the European Union’s relations with five broad regional groupings: the ACP countries, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. The Union prefers to deal with third countries collectively. It lays out regional strategies, sets up aid programmes on a regional basis and concludes specific kinds of agreement with countries in a particular region. The EU has important

in EU development cooperation
From model to symbol

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

An assessment of EU development aid policies
William Brown

Bank’s policies largely reflect the orientation of the dominant Northern states towards the South, and as such are a good indicator of the wider political and policy environment within which the EU’s own development policies have evolved. Throughout, the chapter asks whether the claimed uniqueness of the original relationship with the ACP countries has given way to a more uniform stance among donors. If this is the case, then the raison d’être for a separate EU development programme may come into question. This chapter undertakes this task by assessing three phases

in EU development cooperation
The role of France and French interests in European development policy since 1957
Anne-Sophie Claeys

has to be accepted by qualified majority. This is a fundamental step within the project cycle. ACP countries usually tend to privilege their ‘boss’ for market attribution (Ravenhill, 1995). This kind of rebilateralisation of ACP–EU relations can be explained through clientelism (Ravenhill, 1995) or paternalism (Delphin, 1992). Power does not lie in the ACP–EU joint institutions but in Community bodies such as the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the EDF Committee, and also in the EC member states themselves. Thus the permanency of bilateral relationship

in EU development cooperation
Anna K. Dickson

EUD3 10/28/03 2:41 PM Page 42 3 The unimportance of trade preferences Anna K. Dickson In 1975 the EU operated a pyramid of preference in terms of market access and disbursement of development assistance to non-member states. The ACP countries were at the top of this pyramid, enjoying the most preferred status in the EU market for their exports, including duty free access for all industrial products and 80 per cent of agricultural exports. In addition there were special Protocols for bananas, sugar, beef and rum which guaranteed access to the EU market for

in EU development cooperation
The EU’s agricultural and fisheries policies and Africa
Alan Matthews

differed greatly across commodities, depending on the value of the most favoured nation (MFN) tariff and the degree of preference awarded. For most CAP products, protection took the form of an ad valorem (percentage) tariff and a specific (fixed) amount. The Cotonou preference for African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries was limited to the elimination of the ad valorem duty, leaving the specific duty (usually by far the biggest element of the total tariff) in place. However, special trade protocols for four commodities; sugar, bananas, beef and veal, and rum, were

in The European Union in Africa
Abstract only
The social dimension of EU–Africa relations
Jan Orbie

social rights’ are explicitly considered as part of the ‘essential elements’ of the agreement, standing on an equal footing with the principles of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Thus, the incorporation of the ILO’s CLS into the ‘essential elements’ is an important confirmation of their human rights status. This implies not only that these labour standards can be the subject of a structured political dialogue between the EU and an ACP country, but also that substantial violations of these principles could lead to consultations and, eventually, ‘appropriate

in The European Union in Africa
Normative power or realist interests?
Gordon Crawford

society’ from 2007 to 2009 in all ACP countries.7 This expenditure category captures all human rights and democracy assistance, but also includes expenditure on other significant areas such as government capacity building and development NGOs. Therefore, despite being relatively low, these percentages are 148 Policies and partnerships Table 8.1. Government and civil society expenditure in ACP countries Year % of total expenditure 2007 2008 2009 15.65% 8.11% 11.85% Sources: European Commission (2008: 168); European Commission (2009a: 162); European Commission

in The European Union in Africa
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen

themselves, as such endeavours might contribute to the creation of a common European identity. As a consequence of both these purposes, European foreign policy initiatives towards Africa in reality would become symbolic policy. European development aid to Africa As outlined above, development aid is the first of three important dimensions to be analysed. This section presents the main changes in EU aid to Africa during the 1990s. As a starting point, there is no doubt that development aid was the most important policy instrument in Europe’s relations with the ACP countries

in EU development cooperation
Arantza Gomez Arana

1996; Ayuso 1996). This programme lasted for a period of four years and focused on non-associated developing countries and the distribution of funding, which was set around 75% for Asia, 20% for Latin America and 5% for African countries. When Denmark, the UK and Ireland became members of the EU in 1973, it prompted discussions about the EU’s external relations which had previously been ignored due to French pressure (Ayuso 1996; De Pablo Valenciano and Carretero Gomez 1999). However, pressure from the UK blocked the decision on the budget for ACP countries until a

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur: