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Indigenous–European Encounters in Settler Societies
Editor: Lynette Russell

Cross-cultural encounters produce boundaries and frontiers. This book explores the formation, structure, and maintenance of boundaries and frontiers in settler colonies. The southern nations of Australia, New Zealand and South Africa have a common military heritage as all three united to fight for the British Empire during the Boer and First World Wars. The book focuses on the southern latitudes and especially Australia and Australian historiography. Looking at cross-cultural interactions in the settler colonies, the book illuminates the formation of new boundaries and the interaction between settler societies and indigenous groups. It contends that the frontier zone is a hybrid space, a place where both indigene and invader come together on land that each one believes to be their own. The best way to approach the northern Cape frontier zone is via an understanding of the significance of the frontier in South African history. The book explores some ways in which discourses of a natural, prehistoric Aboriginality inform colonial representations of the Australian landscape and its inhabitants, both indigenous and immigrant. The missions of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in Polynesia and Australia are examined to explore the ways in which frontiers between British and antipodean cultures were negotiated in colonial textuality. The role of the Treaty of Waitangi in New Zealand society is possibly the most important and controversial issue facing modern New Zealanders. The book also presents valuable insights into sexual politics, Aboriginal sovereignty, economics of Torres Strait maritime, and nomadism.

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Possibilities and precariousness along Australia’s southern coast

different stages of the colonisation of South Australia – the frontier together with the time and space beyond the frontier – and two quite different understandings of Aboriginal sovereignty. While the frontier itself undoubtedly witnessed a complex array of relationships between and within colonisers and colonised, the following analysis proposes the distinctiveness of the time and

in Colonial frontiers
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The tense of citizenship

today's debates over the relationship between Constitutional recognition, treaty, and sovereignty, we find here that Aboriginal sovereignty was not just recognised but operationalised in government policy. Domesticated and submerged, Aboriginal sovereignty was to be contained in reserves and within a narrative of supersession, as a starting point away from which ‘natives’ would march on their way to the promised land of citizenship. But, for Aboriginal people, their sovereignties need not be consigned to the reserve or to the past. They could be coeval. As Audra

in Governing natives
Sovereignty’s power in the case of Delgamuukw v. The Queen 1997

consented to such an arrangement. This inclusion subordinates aboriginal sovereignty, and limits the uses to which their land can be put. The implications of this approach deeply undermine original aboriginal entitlements – and this occurs on no other grounds but self-assertion! The conjuring of Crown assertions of sovereignty in this manner validates the appropriation of aboriginal

in Law, history, colonialism
The Queen’s currency and imperial pedagogies on Australia’s south-eastern settler frontiers

Aboriginal sovereignty and rights in land. Authorities were troubled by the spread of costly settlements beyond their control, and the treaty was quickly voided on the grounds that the Crown alone had an exclusive right of pre-emption. Described as ‘pretence’, the treaty was declared null and void on 26 August 1835 in a formal proclamation issued by Bourke. The proclamation stated

in Mistress of everything
Colonial transformations and a governmental event

polity smoothly constituted by ordered and adjacent jurisdictions, framing pluralism or multiplicity within a unitary polity. Strehlow recognised the Aboriginal sovereignty before him. And indirect rule represented an attempt to submerge it. This was a logic of recognition that worked to limit the possibilities of Indigenous sovereignties by reducing them to a supplement to a settler sovereignty that had (and has) been decentred by the acknowledgement of precolonial – and continuing – Indigenous communities. Suppression, reaffirming the force of settler law, was a

in Governing natives
Conflict and crisis, 1918–45

Eastern Arnhem Land was taken up in the 1930s and quickly abandoned after a series of strategic attacks on cattle. 56 The 1928 Coniston massacre – where a punitive mission led by police murdered at least 31, and perhaps as many as 110, Warlpiri people – came after Aboriginal threats to white settlers in the area which were, it seems clear, designed to assert Aboriginal sovereignty in the area. Its immediate provocation was the murder of Fred Brooks, a dingo hunter, but there had been a history of Aboriginal declarations of authority to which the massacre was a more

in Governing natives
Aboriginal subjects and Queen Victoria’s gifts in Canada and Australia

between Aboriginal people and Queen Victoria than was ever apparent in Australia, where there was no history of alliance between the Crown and Aboriginal groups, and no formal acknowledgement of pre-existing Aboriginal sovereignty through treaty negotiations. Nonetheless, despite the absence of a parallel diplomatic history, Aboriginal peoples across Australia’s colonies

in Mistress of everything

subjects not citizens) but an ‘aboriginal sovereignty-myth: the ‘Crown-in-Parliament and the (literally) absolute authority of the latter’. 8 The 1970s ‘crisis’ of the British nation-state is then merely a reflection of its bodged foundation: the ‘break-up’ is the ultimate political consequence of the Acts of Union. The ‘acceleration’ in the ‘decline-spiral’ is caused by what Nairn calls ‘the disintegration of Labourism’. 9 Like other analysts of post-war Britain, Nairn posits an initial ‘post-World War II consensus’, though he differs from

in Iain Sinclair
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Anthropologising Aborigines

engagement between settlers and Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. Settlers’ varied responses signify continuing disagreement over the colonial forms found and practised in the Northern Territory. The exterminatory force of a punitive mission, the conciliatory coercion of a missionary expedition, and the penetrating scientific gaze of the anthropological fieldworker would each contain Aboriginal sovereignties, but in crucially different ways. Each corresponded to a different mode of colonial government, and it is both significant and

in Governing natives